OCCASIONAL PAPERS IN
SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME VIII
Editors
Rishikeshab Raj Regmi
Kailash Nath Pyakuryal
Chaitanya Mishra
Padam Lal Devkota
Managing Editor
Binod Pokharel
Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur
Kathmandu, Nepal
2003
Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology
Published by
Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu
© Publisher
All rights reserved. No part of this publication except an
occasional paragraph or sentence for use in quotation. may be
reproduced in any form without the prior written permIsSion of
the publisher.
The responsibility for the facts presented, opinions expressed,
and interpretation made in the articles rests exclusively With the
respective authors. The opinions do not necessanly reflect the
views and/or policy of the department.
Year of Publication 2003
Volume VIII
Correspondence
Chairperson
Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur
Kathmandu
Computer Typesetting: Academic Computer Service, Kirtipur
Krishna Karki Printing
Tel:331887
Printing
Modern Printing Press
Kantipath
Kathmandu
Telephone:
EDITORIAL
Institutionally speaking, the Central Department of
Sociology and Anthropology has become fully adolescent but it is
increasingly facing the challenge to collect a dozen of articles from
the fastest growing population of the sociologists and
anthropologists in one of the poorest conflict-ridden societies of
South Asia. Whether we agree or disagree, we must realize openly
that the generality of us are busy for beating our own drums and
there has been very little or no concerted effort for giving the
continuity to publish this Occasional Papers. The editorial board is
not boastful for publishing the present volume replete with highly
academic articles in sociology and anthropology of Nepal. But it has
a sense of contentment for being successful in giving continuity for
its publication with its modicum of effort. Unequivocally, giving
continuity to such an activity is definitely bener than staying
indolently with hands folded and criticizing others with jaundiced
eyes.
The present volume has been made possible by the
contributions of a number of sociologists, anthropologists, and other
scholars. Therefore, the editorial board acknowledges all the
contributors of this volume of Occasional Papers. It contains articles
written in the field of sociology, anthropology and social
psychology. Professor R.R. Regmi has made analytical discussion
on the issues of ethnicity and identity in Nepal. He has given
emphasis on the participation to solve the ethnic problem in Nepal.
Dr. Om Gurung has also presented an analytical discussion on the
Lagi-Lagitya relations in lumla district of the Karnali region. This
article highlights the prominent features of inter-caste economic
interdependency in lumla, which is a long-term hereditary
contractual labour relation. Mr. Laya Prasad Uprety has analyzed
the non-economic benefits of the participatory action research as
perceived by the researchers working with the adoption of adaptive
and collaborative management approach on community forestry and
members of the community forest user's group themselves. Mr.
Binod Pokharel presents a longitudinal analysis on the changing
pattern of forest consumption of Dhankuta district in eastern Nepal
for the period of 10 years from 1991 to 200 I. Ms Meena Poude! and
Mr. Youba Raj Luitel have critically analyzed gender advocacy
with the adoption of social relation approach and the utilization of
the framework of institutional analysis. They attempt to introduce
the notion of advocacy in general and gender advocacy in particular.
Dr. Samira Luitel has analyzed the position of Dalit women in caste
system. She concludes that women of the Dalit communities are
oppressed 'as women in their own society and also marginalised in
all aspects of individual development. Mr. Man Bahadur Khatri has
focused on the rituals and family shrines, which are associated with
agriculture. The author has demonstrated the relationships among
the landscape, rituals and the process of development. Mr. Jib Nath
Prasai has critically analyzed the policy trends and development
practices of rural water supply and sanitation activity. He also
examines the roles of the beneficiaries to make the rural water
supply and sanitation activity sustainable. Mr. Madhusudan Sharma
Subedi's article is related with medical anthropology. The author
has discussed the health -related issues, including the etiology of the
diseases and the preventive and curative measures. Dr. Philip
Tanner and Mr Dhirendra Parajuli have quantified peoples'
participation and psychological empowerment. The article primarily
focuses on the concept of psychological empowerment as a basis for
future research into the multifaceted phenomena of empowerment
theory. Dr. Niranjan Sharma has focused on various forms of
corruption. He discussed the corruption as psychological issue. Mr.
Hari Har Ghimire has described the NGO/lNGO- centered approach
in Nepal. Dr. Kishor Raj Pandey and other co-authors have
discussed the health care practices of infant patients at Nepal
Medical College. Professor Ganesh Man Gurung has expressed
obituary note to Prof. Gopal Singh Nepali. Finally, Bishsnu Prasad
Dahal has reviewed the book "Ordering Sherpa Through their
Rituals: Symbolic and Interpretive Perspective".
Prof. Dr. Rishikeshav Raj Regmi
Head of the Department
On behalf of
The Editorial Board
CONTENTS
I. ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY
Prof Dr. Rishikeshav Regll7i
12 NOTES ON LAGI-LAGITYA RELATIONS IN JUMLA
Dr. am Curung
18 PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH IN COMMUNITY
FORESTRY: A CASE STUDY OF A COMMUNITY
FOREST USERS' GROUP FROM A HILL VILLAGE OF
EASTERN NEPAL
Laya Prasad Uprery
4 I CHANGING PATTERN OF FOREST CONSUMPTION:
A CASE STUDY FROM AN EASTERN HILL VILLAGE
INNEPAL
Binod Pokhare/
59 STRATEGIES A 0 PRACTICES OF ADVOCACY: GENDER
ADVOCACY AGAINST TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN IN
NEPAL
Meena POlldel
YOllba R. LlIintel
77 THE POSITION OF DALIT WOMEN IN CASTE SYSTEM
Dr. Samira LlIitel
88 AGRICULTURE AND RITUAL LANDSCAPE: A CASE
STUDY FROM THE MAGARS OF ARGAL, BAG LUNG
DISTRICT, NEPAL
Man Bahadur KhaUri
105 DEVELOPMENT OF WATER SUPPLY AND SANITATION
FACILITY IN THE RURAL AREAS OF NEPAL:
AN OVERVIEW
Jiba Nath Prasain
128 HEALER CHOICE IN MEDICALLY PLURALISTIC
CULTURAL SETTINGS: AN OVERVIEW OF NEPALI
MEDICAL PLURALISM
Madhuslldan Sharma Slibedi
159 QUANTIFYING "PEOPLES' PARTICIPATION A D
PSYCHOLOGICAL EMPOWERME T": A MODEL OF
I D1VIDUAL BEHAVIOUR IN EPAL
Dr. Philip Tanner
Dhirendra B. Parajllii
193 CORRUPTION: A PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUE
Dr. Niranjan Prasad Upadhyay
204 NGO/INGO CENTERED APPROACH: AN ALTER ATIVE
APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT
Harihar Ghimire
218 THE DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PATIENTS
SEEKING HEALTH CARE FOR INFANT AND
CHILDHOOD ILLNESSES ATNEPAL MEDICAL
COLLEGE AND TECHNING HOSPITAL
Dr. Kishore Raj Pandey
Phanindra Prasad Kafle
Dr. Debendra Karki
227 AN OBITUARY TO PROF. GS. NEPALI
Prof Dr. Ganesh Man GlIrling
230 ORDERING SHERPA LIFE THROUGH THEIR RITUALS:
SYMBOLIC/INTERPRETATIVE PERSPECTIVE
(A REVIEW OF "SHERPAS THROUGH THEIR RITUALS"
BY SHERRY B. ORTNER)
Bishnll Prasad Dahal
ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY
Rishikeshav Regmi, Ph.D'
These days ethnicity is much talked issues in the
contemporary world, especially in the third world, so called
underdeveloped countries by developed western countries.
Personal identity as well as cultural identity Ethnic identity
always materialise in relation to somebody else. "Identity is
contextual in both derivation and expression-that is manipulable
and changeable is now well known and is surely expectable, for
it shares these features with all that is Cultural"(Berremann:
1983).lt is almost impossible to delineate the boundaries of one
cultural identity and the beginning of another.
Ethnic Stereotypes
All men live in a symbolic environment, a substitute
world in which objects and events fall into an orderly scheme.
Life is much too complicated for any individual to respond to
each item he encounters, but there is rarely time enough to
examine it with care before handling it. Hence, objects and
events must be classified, and men act as if all items in each
category have the same characteristics. For example, no two
chairs in the world are alike, but we assume that all chairs have
cel1ain common attributes and sit with confidence even upon a
chair that we have never before encountered. To facilitate
reference to these categories, each is given a level; words are
names that designate categories. Much of the environment in
which human beings make their ways then consists of objects
that are classified and labelled. The symbolic environment is not
Dr. Rishi Keshav Raj Regmi is tilt: professor in Anthropology and Head of
the Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology. University Campus.
T.U. Kirtipur.
2 Occasional Papers
mere reproduction of the external world; it is a reconstruction of
it in terms of group interests and the available linguistic
categories. 0 two things in the world are exactly alike. Human
beings not only c1assity objects and events; they categories
people-themselves as well as others. Human beings are generally
classified into social types, and they are approached or avoided
on the basis of their classification. Social types of all kinds are
recognized and used daily. Social types are abstractions. They
are constructed by selecting and putting together some of the
more conspicuous traits that are supposed to characterise a
category of people. A group, normally support its social types.
They place themselves as well as others into social types, and
then try to be up to group expectation. Therefore, social types as
a model that guide positively by immitational ways and
negatively by avoidance.
Ethnic stereotypes are social types. People in well-
established ethnic groups developed a distinctive culture, and
outsides pickout conspicuous traits and exaggerate them to
construct a short hand depiction of them. A comparative study of
ethnic categories conducted by UNESCO in 1952 revealed the
extent to which various groups are similarly characterised in
different parts of the world. Thus, members of different ethnic
groups interact on the basis of the conceptions they form of one
another. Stereotypes may not be accurate, but they represent the
ways in which people see each other. People frequently conceive
of themselves in terms of such stereotypes, although they do not
acknowledge all of the negative traits attributed to them by
others.
Ethnic stereotypes vary along several dimensions-
among them are the degree of clarity, degree of complexity,
extent of people's consciousness and awareness, degree of
stability, extent of consensus, and manner in which they are
evaluated. Some stereotypes are closely organised patterns;
others are vague, fragmentary impressions.
Ethnic Identity and Ethnicity
For the formation of ethnic identity combination of
factors-common descent, a socially relevant cultural or physical
R.R. Regmi/Elhnicity and Iden/ify... 3
characteristics, and a set of attitude and behaviors- is necessary.
tn this process, common descent may be real or putative
(supposed); it is not necessary that there actually be a common
racial origin. Cultural attributes Ijke distinctive beliefs,
institutions, practices, religion, and language often form the
bases of identity. In some instances, physical attributes-
pigmentation of the skin or body shape-provide the foundation of
ethnic identity. To consolidate such an identity the members of
an ethnic group must also share ideas, behavior patterns,
feelings, and meaning. They should distinguish themselves (we)
from others (they). They should also perceive that they share a
common destiny.
There are two main approaches to the understanding of
these new ethnic phenomena. The primordialist approach to
ethnic identities and ethnicity considers common descent as the
more important factor, for primordial loyalties can be activated
more easily than rational principles and organisations founded
upon them. The other approach is variously known as
situational/subjective/instrumental. Its main emphasis is on the
members' perception of being different from others and the
implications of this for the groups' present status and
predicament and to the understanding of contemporary realty,
but they do not offer any final answers. They are often no more
than grand exercises in the reconstruction of the past (even by
manipulation or outright manufacture); the definition and
redefinition of situations to explain the present; and strategies for
achieving a desired future.
The very expression, ethnicity has gained currency
rather recently. As enumerated by Glazer an Moynihan (1975),
the term was used for the first time around 1953 and it took
decade before the same could get regular usage in
anthropological literatures. During the past decade and a half,
ethnicity has assumed the quality of an over-used concept often
reflecting non-identical meanings, of course in dissimilar
contexts.
Etymologically, the concept traces its origin from the
word ethnic that relate to a community of physical and mental
traits possessed by the members of the group as a product of
4 Occasional Papers
their common hereditary and cultural tradition. According to
Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1967:781),
ethnicity ordinarily refers to celtain quality or affiliation based
on hereditary as well as cultural considerations. Winick's
Dictionary of Anthropology( I946)does not incorporate the term
ethnicity. It, nevertheless, defines ethnic as having somewhat a
restricted connotation primarily referring to a group-
distinguishable by certain common cultural attributes like a
linguistic group.
Ethnicity as such does not appear to have fulfilled all
conditions of becoming a standardised concept yet, since the
meaning it conveys even now is more or less society specific and
to a major extent depends upon overall social and politaical
orientation of the concern society. The same as a concept is also
found to have been attributed with different meanings in the
context of a mononational state and a pluri-cultural agglomerate
bound by a system of authority or in majority-minority
situations.
In a state having bio-cultural homogeneity nationality in
contemporary sense is generally assumed to be singular. Under
such a situation, ethnicity ordinarily attracts mere academic
interest and hardly possesses a source of problem unless the state
has Colonies having multiple nationalities to administer.
Experience of multi-cultured states are bound to be considerably
different in this respect as often they are viewed with the
manifest aberration of heterogeneity. In a country like Nepal
where even pluralism manifests itself in its multiple perspectives
and dimensions, the expression stands out altogether on different
footing.
Differences in meaning of ethnicity are also observed
depending on where the accent is put as well as on the basis of
fact whether positive, neutral or negative connotation is assigned
to it. In United States of America, problems associated with
populations other than those of the Anglo-Saxon background are
considered to be related to ethnicity. In previous USSR, ethnicity
was largely associated with the problems of national minorities.
In Nepal in particular, gradually such problems emanated from
socio-ectll1omic underdevelopment are designated as ethnicity
R.R. Regmi/E/hnicity and Identifj'oo. 5
related ones that involve ethnic groups or the commul1Jt,es
residing in various harsh ecological regions. Under the
circumstances, in the interest of the reducing the possibility of
furthering ambiguity to the concept, it is considered essential and
urgent to standardise the concept having cross-cultural, cross
national perspectives in view. Until that has been achieved in
the interest of the science as such, it could be necessary to 'use
the concept in a rather restricted sense, carefully spelling out the
specific meaning assigned to it.
Thus, the phenomenon of ethnicity is the expressive
aspect of ethnic identities: it involves consolidation,
mobilisation, goal setting and goal attainment. Ethnicity is thus a
nebulous concept; it is confusing and complex. Originally an
archaic word ethnicity has been given new meanings. Despite its
ambiguities and shifting emphasis, ethnicity presents a heady
cocktail potent in its effect and unsetting to the established order
of things. It is part sentiment, pan ideology, and part agenda.
Ethnic ideologies have been practiced from time
immemorial. Two widely known ideologies of this kind are
Nazism and apartheid. These ideologies emphasise domination-
subordination relationships; the subordinate groups are denied
social and economic equality as well as freedom in equal
measure. Approaches to nationalism, assimilation and cultural
pluralist11 have an implicit ideological content. The nationalist
mainstream seeks to absorb sub- and micro-nationalism;
assimilation, aims at the homogenisation of all groups, relegating
ethnic identities to a merely symbolic status; and in the third the
prevailing cultural situation is sought to be stabilised, while
consciously abiding the erosion of any of the cultures.
In the contemporary world, we find several patterns of
inter-ethnic relations. The domination pattern was glaringly
represented by South Africa in relation to the blacks and the
coloured, and by Israel in relation to the Arabs in general and
especially to the Palestinians. The "Melting Pot" approach of
USA and of Mexico has sought to incorporate all ethnic groups
as equal members of the body politic; in theory at least they are
to be dealt with according to universalistic criteria. However, the
Anglo-Saxon tradition continues to be strong in the US and
6 Occasional Papers
persons of European ong1l1 have been better assimilated than
those ITom other regions. Blacks continued to encounter social
discrimination and must function as a society within a larger
society. In the open elite structure some of them have been able
to move upwards, but there are strong barriers in the way of their
assimilation.
Australia, Belgium, Canada, Lebanon, Nigeria,
Yogoslavia and Switzerland generally have been allowing
ethnic groups to retain their cultural identities and institutions.
Of these in ethnic terms Lebanon, Nigeria are on a course of
self-destruction. Nigeria and previous Yugoslavia have faced
serious ethnic problems. Wars and human Genocide are occurred
Croats, Serbs, Bosnians have been divided and thousand of
people have died, millions homeless. There are rumblings in
Belgium and Canada also.
In the last two decades there has been a rash of ethnic
movements characterised by unprecedented terror. Some have
had behind them one radical ideology or another, often a
convoluted mix. Others have taken an ethnic cause based on its
own logic goals and instrumentalities. Both have had an
unsettling effect on social order.
Ethnicity may be attributed to several causes. It may be a
response to the cultural arrogance of the dominated group in a
country. Some ethnic groups may resent being dominated and
exploited by the group in power. Prejudice and discrimination-
which need not be real-may consolidate feelings of ethnicity.
Ethnic groups may fear the erosion of their cultures and
identities. When the economy is retarded and development
unequal, some groups may organise on ethnic platforms to fight
their battles for equity and distributive justice.
There is reason to believe that ethnicity and movement
based on it has been engineered in some countries by foreign
powers. Rivals contending for political power within a country
have also played the ethnic card for momentary gain like that of
Maoists in Nepal. Some leaders have stoked the fire of ethnicity
111 order to maintain their leadership. Where sentiment is
involved rationality and logic are at a discount. In recent
decades, the Third World has witnessed four shifts in emphasis;
R.R. Regmi/Elhnicity and IdentifY... 7
from. political freedom to economic development to social
equality to cultural self-determination. Most ethnic movements
now seem cultural autonomy as a prerequisite to the attainment
of real political freedom and distributive justice, to the growth of
the economy, and to the creation of a fraternal social order.
One of the most current well known political examples
of the fluctuat1l1g character of ethnic identity is undoubtedly the
total lack of congruence between the ethnic label, Serbo-croat
and those people who are supposed to be represented and
described by this category.
It is impossible to substantiate ethnic and cultural
identities without the aspects of historical processes and external
relations. In this sense, ethnicity to a large extent is subject to
manipulation from its own members internally as well as
externally from the nation state or by other social scientists.
Nepal from the historical point of view was intergrated
in a very harmonic way. Some 234 years ago, Prithvi Narayan
Shah ulllted petty states and principalities to form a single nation
called Nepal. This in real sense initiated the process of national
intergration after the country had been politically integrated.
Pnthvi Narayan Shah realised the pluralistic nature of Nepal and
called his new founded kingdom "Garden of four Varnas and 36
sub-castes." Prithvi Narayan Shah and those after him made the
four key ideas as ways to integrate the various ethnic groups and
the IT cultural diversities. These ideas were the unquestioning
power of the king. Hindu values as the ethos of national life
social integration by means of Hindu value system based 0';
caste, and Nepal i language as the official lanouaoe and the
d· <- <-me lum of education. This traditional method of National
Integration was carried till 1950. Panchayat System after 1960
initiated some methods while the traditional method being more
dom1l1ant. Monolithic ideology, added with Panchayat idology
glV1l1g highest emphasiss to the crown and nationalism was the
main strategy for national iJ1legration where everything was
nnposed for uniformity. The advent of democracy has changed
the notion of national integration. The 1990 constitution with
democratic spirit has recognized the cultllfal pluralism and
8 Occasional Papers
guarantees different communIties or ethnic groups to practice
their religion, culture and language.
After I990,Nepal has been facing many problems related
to ethnicity. Nepal is a multicultural, multi-religious and multi-
lingual country. Nepali culture is the syncretism of all these
diversities.
Nepali social, cultural, political, ethnic and religious
spheres have been deeply influenced by its topographical
conditions. Its land-locked, high mountains, rugged hills,
turbulent rivers, dense forest and malaria had forced into
isolation from the rest of the world. It is ethnically diverse and
culturally pluralistic. This is due to the fact that since about 1500
B.C, this country was penetrated slowly and steadily by various
races.
In present day, newer values of democracy, human
rights, minority rights, equality and justice has become the
slogan of the day. The new constitution has acknowledged the
cultural pluralism of Nepal and guarantees the right of every
community "to conserve and promote its language, script and
culture. II
Ethnic consciousness is increasing everyday in Nepal.
The ethnic awarensess of the communities like Gurung, Magar,
Rai, Limbu, Thakali, Sherpa, Tharu, Dhimal is prominently
growing to identify themselves as a cultural groups rather than
political groups. Terai people are becoming drastically serious to
raise their economic prosperity through developmental efforts.
The notion of Pahade and Madhise has been slowing down when
Sadhbhavana Party has participated in present government, by
enjoying power at the centre. Pahadia Halao Campaign has
fused with the political power enjoyment. Poverty and
landlessness are the major problems of Terai people. Political
parties have now realised that merely propagating and promoting
animosity against the hill people would not work by marely
practising democratic norms. Exposures to various educational
and other development programs would have to be fulfilled.
Those with various virulent tendencies have not been able to
create tension. Some ambitious ethnic elite and political leaders
are still striving to bring the ethnic minority group together on
R. R. Regmi/Ethnicity and IdentifY... 9
socio-political ground rather than ethnical ground. The Mongol
and Janjati parties are trying to generate communal slogans for
their political goal might have relised that if they really distract
the peaceful and harmonious life of their own people, they
themselves will be banished. Because in a multiparty system of
government, people are bound to thwart them, for they want an
integrated Nepal. People are knowing and becoming aware
through mass media and TVs that what is happening to the
people of Sri Lanka, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia
and Kosovo.
King Prithvi arayan Shaha established the enlarged
Nepali nation and recognised the cultural plurality. During his
time, he was guided by different feudal ethos, and had used
various methods in nation building and laid down strong group
relationships. Today. nation requires a strong government,
people, territory and political sovereignty to remain together
despite difference in language, culture, religion and political
ideology. We must realise and hope that under the dawn of
multiparty democracy, national integration should have to be
achieved in a very different way. Equality is required for the
development of all people and their quality of life.
Ethnicity and Development
Ethnicity poses a challenge to the two major paradigms
of development; it questions both the communist and non-
communist manifestos. According to both, development should
have and must contain assertions of ethnic identities. But they
appear to be confronting the ideology of development itself. The
primacy of output goals according to them is questionable;
cultural goals also need to be emphasised. They reject the notion
of one-dimensional economic man. Development is much more
than the economic growth. Participatory development is possible
only in smaller units that share a need structure and social
facilities. The recognition of ethnic identities is essential to this.
But many problems-food security, peace, the search for energy
substitutes, the preservation of ecological balance, avoiding
environmental degradation, the fight against disease can be
solved only through global effort. Science and technology also
to Occasional Papers
need a massive human effort if they are to grow. The potential of
ethnic identities has to be mobilized and tapped. They are to
been made aware and educated.
At the present juncture some aspects of ethnicity appear
to be disruptive as for example the demand of Janajati Sangh's
separate federation of states in Nepal, quota systems and other
facilities. It was believed that nation building and development
are going together, but ethnic movements are moving towards
fragmentation. Will this trend be conducive to development?
Here we have to rethink the model of the nation that is
sought to be built. In the project scheme of things it should be
possible to accord both recognition and a substantial measure of
economic facilities to ethnic groups. The country should be
sensitive and responsive to cultural differences and
predispositions. Strong ethnic cultures are not necessarily a
hindrance to nation buildings.
Order and peace are also needed to ensure continued
pace of development. The possibilities of turmoil created by
ethnic movements does have an unsetting effect. When violence
by ethnic groups is counted with violence from a powerful
government apparatus no problems are solved. Temporary peace
may be brought about but there is always the possibility of a
second and third round. It should be noted that the government is
becoming increasingly helpless against many forms of
insurgency. Prejudices handed down from the past can be
removed only through everyone's participation in national
institutions as also in education politics and communication.
There is also economic logic behind ethnic
underdevelopment. Prejudice and discrimination have to be
avoided; ethnic groups must see that this is being done.
Development schemes of activities and programs should be
devised and implemented to better the lot of the poor and
deprived irrespective of ethnicity and castes background. These
steps will gradually bind people together and will consolidate the
fragile bonds of nationhood.
Current practices of development, despite rhetoric to the
contrary, are an imposition from the top. They permit little
participation by the people in building a consensus regarding the
R.R. Regmi/Ethnicity and IdentifY... II
goals and instrumentality of development. Integration cannot be
achieved without participation. In real sense, the people from the
village level should have to be involved in all round decision
making process.
Finally, the structure of society now appearing to be
gradually cracking under social strains has to be recognized.
Perhaps we have to think in terms of a multi-layered society with
appropriate degrees of autonomy to different levels. Only an
interpenetrating and interdependent social pattern can solve
some of the problems posed by the emergent phenomenon of
ethnicity in the country.
REFERENCES
Bhattachan, K.B., (1994). Ethno-politics and Ethno-development: An
Emerging paradigm in Nepal in State Leadership and politics
in Nepal, eds by Dhruba Kumar, Kathmandu: CNAS,TU., pp
124-147.
Blaikie, Piers John Cameron and David Seddon, (1980). Nepal in
Crisis: Growth and Stagnation at the Periphery, Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
Dahal, D.R., (1993). Indigenolls Peoples of Nepal? Social strllctllre
and Economic Condition and Some Queslions Raised ahoul ;t,
National Seminar Paper, Kathmandu: CNAS,T.U.
Dube, S.C., (1993). Understanding Change, Delhi: Vikash Publishing
House Pvt. Ltd.
Gaige, F.H., (1975). Regionalism and National Unity in Nepal, Delhi:
Vikash Publishing House PVt.Ltd.
Nepali, G.S., (1995). Tribe, Caste and National Integration in Nepal,
A Paper Presented in the 24'" Annual Conference on South
Asia, Madison, Wisconsin.
Regmi, Rishikeshav, (1995). Nepolka Adibashiharllko Pahichan
Aaibam Samjaik, Arthik tatha Sanskritik Aadharma Unihruko
Bargikorn (Classification of Nepal's Indigenous People from
Social, Economic and Culture),paper Presented in the National
Seminar, Kathmandu: HMGlNepal, Ministry of Local
Government.
Sharma, P.R., (1992). How to Tend this Garden?" Himal, Voillme
7,NlImber 6.
Websters, A.M., (1967). The New International Dictionary of English
Language, G and C Memman Company Massachusset
NOTES ON LAGI-LAGITYA RELATIO S
IN JUMLA
Om Gurung, Ph. D'
A deeply rooted prominent feature of inter-caste
economic interdependency in Jumla is long-term hereditary
contractual labor relations known as lagi-Iagitya. This relation is
called riti-bhagya (Cameron, 1997:77) in far west epal and hali
pratha in west and east Nepal. It is based on the traditional
feudalistic Hindujajmani (patron-client) system of caste-specd"ic
task specialization. Lagi is a patron or landlord and lagitya is a
ploughman. In Jumla. men from Buddhist communities plow
their agricultural fields themselves. Similar is the case among
matawali Chhetris who occupy the dry slopes of higher valleys
called pawai. Unlike many other 8al11ms, Thakllris alld Chhetris,
these communities have less cultural restrictions to work 111
agricultural fields. The Hindu religious ideology does not
prohibit them to plow their fields. The absent of low caste
occupational groups in their communities, the shortage of
agricultural lands, and the poor material conditions are also
operative forces for these communities to plow their fields by
themselves.
A/IIolIg 8all1/11, Thakllri alld Cllhetri communities, who
occupy lower valleys of Tila, Sinja and Pansayadara and own
most parts of irrigated lands called .Jillla, men do not plow their
agricultural lands themselves. For them, agricultural works 111
general and plowing in particular are ritually polluting. In order
to plow their fields, they establish a special economic relation
with low caste people who live close to their area.
Dr. Om Gurun2. is the senior Lecturer in Anthropology at (he Central
Deparlmenl ofSociology and Alllhropology University Camplls. T.U..
Kirtipur.
0117 Curlillg/ NOles on Lagi-Lagitya... 13
In Jumla lagityas come from 10\\ caste groups (dcliit),
mainly from Kami (black smith) and Sarki (leather working)
communities. Because low caste groups own very small plots of
agricultural lands and produce ver) little grain, they need to
work as lagityas for their higher caste landlords to supplement
their own agricultural produce. They plow the agricultural fields
of Bahuns, Thakuris and Chhetris. Depending upon the quantity
of agricultural lands of their landlords they plow, lagityas
receive four to five slipas (winnowing basket) in the amount of
16 to 20 kg. of grain called kllalo on seasonal basis for their
lervices. Some lagityas get a small piece of irrigated land worth
one /IIl1ri of paddy called badike from their landlords in
exchange of their kllalo. In addition to kllalo, lagitya also get a
bundle of paddy plant called atlwlille during rice harvest. He is
also given food and snacks during his work and other festive
occasions. Moreover, he is given a pair of clothes once a year
and other support during emergency periods.
There are two types of lagitya. Those untouchable men
Who work for their landlords and get khalo are called lagitya and
those untouchable men who work for their landlords and get
small plot of land for cultivation are called badike. Traditionally,
lugit)'a alld badike's works start with the preparation of
<gricultural fields in Fagun (March/April) and go on until
harvesting barley and transplanting paddy in jesth (May/June)
lind harvesting paddy in OctoberlNovember. During agricultural
Peak season, other family members, particularly wives of lagitya
and baclike work in the agriculrual fields of their husbands'
landlords on daily wage basis.
The Lagitya relation is obligatory and tradition-bound. It
i a deeply rooted hereditary long-term contractual arrangement
Characterized by customary rights and responsibilities (Bishop,
1990: 186). Within these rights and responsibilities, low caste
P"ople have rights to employment. Under most circumstances, a
Patron will not and cannot replace the low caste lagitya with
a:other family of the same caste; the relationships cannot be so
14 Occasional Papers
easily terminated (see Cameron, 1998:77 for details). A low
caste lagitya also cannot work for another patron so long as the
relations exist. lagitya relation is inheritable. Like their parental
properties, sons of lagityas inherite their lagis as a share from
their father during their separation from their parental home. But
the badike relation is contractual. This type of relation is
established for a fixed period of time. Its continuation depends
upon mutual contractual understanding. It may go for years or
may terminate as soon as the understanding between landlord
and badike breaks. But once an agreement is made, badike must
work for his landlord at least for one agricultural season. In total
badike works for 16-20 days a year for one muri of his badike
land. His work includes plowing and preparing agricultural
fields, sowing seeds, transplanting paddy plants, weeding,
harvesting, threshing, storing grain and carrying paddy straws to
the cattle shed. Traditionally, the agreement with the badike is
made during shripanchami, a Hindu winter festival that falls in
late January. Jumli people believe that shripanchami is an
auspicious day to start a new business.
Perhaps the most longstanding and tradition-bound lagi-
lagitya relations are those between higher caste and lower-caste
people for caste-specific artisan products. In Jumla, the Kami
makes and repair agricultural tools, such as hoe, shovel, sickle,
axes and cooking utensils for higher caste lagi households and in
return, they get two to three JlImli pathi' of grain as khalo on a
seasonal basis from their lagi households. Their wives help them
deliver artisan products to their landlords's houses and collect
khalo from there. Similarly, Damai sews new clothes and repairs
I prepared this shon note while I was doing my field research in Jumla
from August to September. I am lhankful to IFAD for their financial
support for my field research. I am also thankful to Man Bahadur
Khattri for his assistance during my field research and Tunga Nalh
Upadhyaya for his valuable information on lagi-Iagitya relations in
lumla.
One Jumli palhi contains 4 monas of grain equivalent of2 kg.
Om Gunll7g/ Notes on Lagi-Logityo... 15
old ones, and gets two to three jllll1li pathi of grain as laja on a
seasonal basis from his lagi households. Because in some
villages there are no occupational caste groups, the demand for
their caste specific services is very high. In order to meet caste-
specific services, landlords invite these occupational caste
groups from other vi lIages and pay them more khoalo. Damais
from Talium village, for example, go to Lhorpa, Patmara,
Guthigaon, Muduri, Dillichaur, Luma, Lamri and Chautha to
provide their caste-specific services. Their wives accompany
them to help deliver finished clothes to the households of their
landlords and collect laja and other food items from these
households. On average one Kami and one Damai have 10-12
higher caste households as their lagis. But some of them have
even more than 30 households as lagis. The Kamis work in their
own houses, but the Damais move from house to house to serve
their lagis. Damais are also traditional musicians. They provide
musical services to all caste groups during marriage ceremonies
and other ritual occasions and get their wages either in cash or in
grain. During leisure time, some Damai people make ~'lIlpa (big
tobacco pipes) and sell them to their lagi.
Traditionally, Sarkis used to make shoes for higher caste
people on the basis of lagi-Iagilya relations. But these days the
traditional lagi-lagitya relations between Sarkis and their upper
caste landlords do not exist any more. Like in other parts of
Nepal, the construction of roads to Nepal's northern borders
from Tibetan side and Indian borders from Nepal's side and
massive supply of ready made shoes from Indian and Chinese
markets have adverse effects on the traditional altisan works of
Sarki people. As a result, people of Jumla have now permanently
adopted wearing the imported ready made shoes from Nepal,
India and China. Also, there is a lack of raw materials
(particularly cow hide and leather processing chemicals) and
16 Occasional Papers
lack of modern equipment to make new shoes' which have
greatly affected the Sarki's traditional occupation (cf. Cameron,
1998). rew Sarkis are now engaged in repairing old shoes in
Khalanga Bazaar to maintain their livelihood. A Sarki in
Khalanga Bazaar can earn up to Rs. 200 from this work. But this
is not enough to suppon his family economy. Therefore, Sarkis
are the most vulnerable communities for their artisan products in
Jumla. Seddon at. (1979) report even worse conditions for Sarkis
from the central west Nepal. This has forced them to change
their traditional occupations. These days, Sarkis work as
lagityas, daily wage laborers, carpenters and masons to earn their
bread. They also make a special kind of threshing sticks called
jalelauro and sell them to higher caste people to supplement
their earnings. There are other occupational caste groups in
Jumla as well, but their numbers are very small. There are a few
Oudh and Sunar households, who establish marriage relations
with the Kami caste. The Oudhs wor·k as carpenters and masons.
Sunars are economically in an advantageous position for their
work as goldsmiths. They make gold and silver jewelry for
marriage and gi ft purposes.
All low caste people do not necessarily have altisan
skills and thus they do not produce artisan products even for
their own use. Low caste people who do not produce arlisan
products themselves establish lagi-Iagirya relations with those
low caste people who produce them.
Lately, lagitya and badike relations are slowly declining
as a result of multiplicity of factors. Many high caste people told
that they can no longer keep lagitya and badike relations with
low caste people due to shortage of agricultural lands. The
sholtage of agricultural lands restricts the high caste landlords in
their ability to pay their lagityas more. Similarly, low caste
2
In Jumla high caste llindu people bury cows after their death. This
deprives Sarkis of an important food resource and of the hides lor
making leather shoes.
Om ClIrling/ Notes an Lagi-Lagitye... 17
people told me that lagirya work is not profitable. Compared to
their long hour services, they get less from their landlords not
sufficient to support their family. Unlike their fathers and
forefathers, younger generations also do not want to work as
lagiryas, because lagitay is labor-intensive work for less return.
It is also a form of exploitation and domination by higher caste
people over the low caste people. So young people from low
caste communities prefer to work in other places. But there are
no work opportunities for these people in the region. The Lack of
work opportunities has forced many young people from tbese
communities to migrate to India for beller economic pursuit.
Village people told me that each year the degree of out-migration
is increasing. Thus, out-migration has become a recurrent
phenomenon among the poor and low caste people in Jumla.
This phenomenon has great impact on the local technology,
economy and society of Jumla.
REFERENCES
Bishop, Barry C.. 1990. Karnali Unckr Stress: Livel ihood Strategies and
Seasonal Rhythms in a Changing Nepal Ilimalaya: Illinois:
Univt:rsity of'Chicago. Geography Research Paper Nos. 228·229.
Cameron, Mary M .. 1998. 011 the Edge of Auspiciolls: Gender and Caste in
Nepal. Urbana: Univt:rsity of Illinois Press.
GUrLlng, Harka. 1980. Vignettes of Nepal. Kathmandu: Sajha
Prakashan
Seddon, David and Blaikie. J. Cameron, 1979. Peasants and Workers in
Nepal. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.
PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH IN
COMMUNITY FORESTRY: A CASE STUDY
OF A COMMUNITY FOREST USERS' GROUP
FROM A HILL VILLAGE OF
EASTERN EPAL
Laya Prasad Uprety*
1.0 The Context and Introduction
Traditionally, forests in Nepal are managed by the user
communities as the "common property resources" and the
government, recognizing this historical fact, has formulated the
national policy of handing over the forests to the. willmg
communities for their sustained management and utilization. The
forests are "common propelty resources" because a group of
users share rights and duties towards them. The institutional
arrangements exclude the non-contributing beneficiaries from
the "common pool resources". In fact, they are not the "open-
access resources." The user group has the collective
responsibility for its conservation. Currently, the community
forestry in Nepal is also being managed in accordance WIth the
theories common property resource management.
The Centre for International Forestry Research (CIFOR)
had conducted the Adaptive and Collaborative Management
(ACM) research in the community forestry in epal for a period
of two and half years beginning from the middle of 2000 until
the end of 2002. This was a part of the overall ACM research
being co-ordinated by CIFOR in various Asian (Nepal,
Mr. Laya Prasad Uprcty is the Lecturer in Anthropology at the Cenlrul
Departmcni of Sociology and Anthropology. University Campus. TU.
Kirtipur and is currently pursuing his Ph.D in Anthropology.
Laya Upreti/ Participatory Action Research... 19
Indonesia, and the Philippines) and African countries (Ghana,
Cameroon, Zimbabwe and Malawi) countries. The ACM
research in Nepal was a formal collaboration of the Ministry of
the Forests and Soil Conservation (MOFSC), CIFOR and other
three research organisations, namely, New ERA, NORMS and
Forest Action Group. The Nepal component of ACM research
included policy research at the national level and participatory
action research at the users' level.
ACM is rooted in collaborative management techniques
that are increasingly being applied today in various fields of
natural resource management. This more inclusive approach is
gaining favour out of a growing consensus that without some
basic agreements among all the affected parties (stakeholders)
about how and for what purpose the resource is maintained,
sustainability cannot be achieved and degradation will continue.
At the same time, ACM draws on models of yet another
decision-making process that is gradually being adopted in
natural resource planning and adaptive management. The
approach is iterative, it provides for regular analysis of progress
toward established objectives, and calls for adjustment where
necessary in response to changing circumstances. ACM has been
taken as a vision and a concept of management. Adaptive
collaborative management is a means or a combination of means,
that can help achieve sustainable forest management (CIFOR,
200 I:1). ACM aims at focusing on the conditions leading to both
the improved human well-being and to the maintenance of forest
cover and diversity approaches encouraging sustainable use and
management of forest resources and impacts of ACM processes
and outcomes on people and forests with respect to the different
ways that stakeholders act and learn together.
The vision of CM research in Nepal is the well-being of
diverse women, men and children involved in the management
of forest resources and their sustainability. The goal of ACM
research in Nepal is to increase the effectiveness, efficiency and
equity of stakeholder relations and management practices
through enhanced shared institutional learning and adjustment of
management (i.e. collaboration and adaptiveness) in order to
20 Occasional Papers
promote sustainable forest management and well- being of
diverse women, men and children.
ACM research in epa1 began in the middle of 2000.
Two research organisations, namely, ew ERA and WATCH
(now NORMS), started conducting the research in two districts
of Nepal. After extensive consultation with the government
stakeholder, Sankhuwasaba hill district was selected by New
ERA from the eastern development region of Nepal. There two
Community Forestry Users' Groups (CFUGs) were selected for
the research. These comprised Manakamana and Andheribhajana
CFUGs. Similarly, the another research team affiliated with
WATCh after the extensive consultation with government
stakeholder, also selected Kaski, a hill district in the western
development region of Nepal. These two CFUGs, namely,
Bamdi and Hanspur, were selected for the research. These sites
were selected by using the criteria developed in the ACM
Methodological Workshop held at Bogor, Indonesia, from 28
February to 9 March 2000. The site selection criteria included
level of conflict (medium), stakeholders (diverse), composition
of community (heterogeneous), devolution status (formal!
informal), pressure on forest (number of households and forest
area), forest condition (medium), commercial value (high) and
social capital (higher number of locally organIzed
grou ps/i nsti tutions).
Participatory action research (PAR) had been a research
approach in ACM. Researchers had used comparable research
methodological framework to stud) adaptIve and collaborative
processes in the context of community-based management. The
use of PAR was guided by the assumption that ACM systems,
that is collaborative systems endowed with the structural, .
capacity to generate and adjust to new knowledge, may not eXist
as such in concrete forested landscape. There may be a need to
address the collaborative and adaptive dynamics in a
research/problem-solving mode and participatory action research
offers a well-established platform for the facilitation role of
research in that process. It was in that framework that a range of
methods such as prospective (learning by doing) and anticipatory
(future scenarios) designed to enhanced shared learning and
Laya Upreli/ Participatory Ac/ion Research... 21
transformative knowledge among stakeholders had been in use.
These included participatory systems analysis, visioning, future
scenarios, criteria and indicator (C&I) based collaborative
monitoring, and conflict management (CIFOR, 2000). The
participatory research in epal had looked at the iterative
processes and at their impact on management actions, people and
resources.
When New ERA and WATCH were working for the
background and PAR study in the selected four sites of the two
hill districts, the MOFSC raised the doubt about the
representativeness of the small size of sample and the
generalizability/extrapolability of the research findings. The
time allocated for background study and PAR was one year each
but later the PAR period was extended for six more months.
Then, CIFOR also pondered over the seriousness of the issue
raised by the MOFSC and finally decided to increase the number
of research sites. Then, it commissioned Forest Action Group, a
local forest-related research organisation, to conduct the
comparative case studies using the conventional research
methodology between May and December, 200 I. The studies
were conducted in nine different CFUGs of the hill and Terai
region of Nepal. The objective of this commissioned study was
to explore, assess and synthesise the knowledge and experiences
of adaptiveness and collaboration at the CFUG field level across
a range of community forest (CF) sites and contexts in Nepal.
The outputs of this review were intended to enable forest
stakeholders in epaI to draw more easily on the wealth of
existing knowledge so that they may make even more informed
decisions in designing their forest management process. The
study was conducted on five interconnected topics, viz, local
stakeholders in community forestry and patterns of their
collaboration, social learning and adaptive management, costs
and benefits of adaptive management and equity implications,
adaptive approach, livelihoods and bio-diversity conservation,
and facilitating adaptiveness and collaboration. This was the
context of the ACM research.
The present paper is based on the Manakamana CFUG
where PAR was carried out. It is in ward no. 12 of Khadbari
22 Occasional Papers
municipality of Sankhuwasabha district. Though it is in the
municipality, it possesses predominantly the rural agrarian
characteristics. The forest area is 132 hectares. It is a natural
forest. The number of the user households is 164 with a total
population of 879. Anthropologically speaking, there is
heterogeneity in the composition of the user households.
Brahmins, Chellris, Tamangs, Rais, Magars, Gurungs, Limbus,
Newars ,Majhis and Kumals are the different caste/ethnic groups.
The forest has been formally handed over to the CFUG by the
District Forest Office.
The objective of the paper is to analyse the non-
economic benefit/impact of the participatory action research
(PAR) as perceived by the ACM researchers and members of the
CFUG. In fact, it was a research on participatory action research
and in doing so, a myriad of data collection techniques were
used, which comprised focus group discussion, key informant
interview, group discussion, review of the CFUG records and
ACM monthly reports, etc.
2.0 ParticipatoryAction Research: Conceptual
Understanding
Participatory research can be defined by different levels
and types of local involvement of local stakeholders in and
control over the research process. It also encompasses different
methods, tools and approaches. It includes such methodologies
as Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA), Participatory Action
Research (PAR), and Farmer Participatory Research (FPR). The
rationale for using the paliicipatory research is to encourage
community participation in order to improve the usefulness of
research to local people (McAllister, 1999:7). Another reason
may be for empowerment or social transformation to strengthen
the local people's capacity in decision-making in research, and in
management of local resources, in order to improve their
awareness of options and to strengthen their ability to act on
their own behalf(Ashby, 1996: 16-17).
Given the fact that different social groups have different
knowledge about natural resource management and different
priorities, it is imperative to speak about these social groups in
Laya Upretil Participatory Action Research... 23
the community (women, men, poor, landless, different ethnic and
social status groups, etc) with the objective of understanding the
different social perspectives because there are a myriad of social
issues in natural resource management. These comprise
conflicting social entitlements/ traditional norms, social
identities, relationships and roles, different inside and outside
stakeholders having values, perceptions and objectives,
representatIOn of "community interests" and "knowledge" in
participatory research process, power differences between
community and outside groups and differences in social power
and resource rights between men and women (gender analysis).
Daniel Selener, in his treatise, 'Participatory Action Research
and Social Change' (1997), clearly explicates the raison d'elre of
conducting the participatory action research to induce change.
Participatory research is thought to catalyze social change by
increasing local awareness of problems and issues, encouraging
them to collect, organize and analyze information relevant to
their situation, mobilizing them to develop their own options and
plans for dealing with problems, and strengthening local capacity
and options to act on those plans. The short-term goal of
mobilizing local people to solve immediate practical problems is
intended to lead to long term shifts in power relations in favor of
marginal groups within communities and between the
community and governments (Selener, 1997). Indeed, under the
traditional research, the researcher sets agenda, controls and
undertakes research activities and finally, he benefits from the
results. Hopefully, community interviewees will indirectly
benefit in the long run. Capacity of the community (social
capital) is underestimated and people are separated from process
and results of research. This does happen even if the research is
co.nducted using the PRA tools which are increasingly being
misused by the inexperienced /untrained field researchers.
Conversely, participatory action research (PAR) recognizes the
social capital of the community. Under PAR, the researcher and
the community identify the problems together. Activities are
planned, implemented, monitored and evaluated together. PAR
has to focus more on community empowerment, that is,
24 Occasional Papers
strengthening social capital such as networks and local
organizations and institutions.
3.0 Methods Used in Participatory Action Research
and their Impact/Benefit
This section primarily dwells on the methods used in
PAR and their local impactlbenefit. As analyzed in the preceding
section, it has been increasingly recognized that participatory
research does encourage the involvement of local people with
the objective of improving the effectiveness of the research and
enhancing its usefulness for the community. The goal of
"empowering" participation is to empower marginalized people
and communities by strengthening collective and individual
capacity and decision-making power within wider society
(Selener, 1997). Given the fact that there is high control or
ownership over the research process, local people make
decisions with the help of the researchers, implement activities,
analyze information and use the research for their purpose. There
is collective decision-making and negotiation for the
improvement of the existing condition.
With the above theoretical considerations in mind, the
ACM researchers in the PAR of Manakamana had used an array
of research methods. These comprised visioning of ideal future,
trend analysis (comparison of past trends with ideal future of that
issue), problem tree analysis and prioritization, participatory
intervention or action (by the community with the help of the
researcl;ers), self-monitoring (as a research tool), Tole' meeting
(as a tool), participant observation, semi-structured interview,
etc.· Visioning exercise done with the facilitation of ACM
research team helped the internal stakeholders of CFUG to chart
out the ideal future of 10 years for the sustainable forest
management. Prior to the PAR, they did not have such
experience. The problem tree analysis was also an important
method in critically analyzing their forest management-related
problems and carefully getting them prioritized for the possible
action/intervention. Participatory intervention/action involves all
I Tole is il cluster of houses.
Laya Upretil Participatory Action Research... 25
the diverse internal stakeholders for getting it implemented with
the underlying objective of inducing the desired change. The
intervention included workshops, income generating activities,
social development, quiz contest on forest, cross- site visits
(between ACM sites), etc. Most importantly, the self-monitoring
method had been used as a research tool because the forest users
had been monitoring changes from their own
work/experimentation and sharing the information with the
researchers. The researchers. as in other action researches, had
also been tracking down the change process and employing
research for the purpose of learning and institutional
strengthening. Finally, the local forest users had also been
assisted by the researchers for tracking the results of their
activities and organizational management decisions.
Participant observation was also an important research
method for recording the necessary qualitative information on
individual or group domination in the discussions, role of women
participation in the discussions, process of decision-making,
conflict resolution and other relevant group dynamics. The
researohers had also been participating in different meetings with
the intention of observing and assessing social interactions
between forest users and interest groups. Participation in such
events had been providing the researchers with ample
opportunity to help the forest users devise the relevant strategies
in implementing the activities successfully for their well-being.
In the PAR, the Tole meeting had also been used as the research
tooi. Prior to the PAR, this phenomenon virtually did not exist
and there was no micro level assessment of the problems and
possible solutions with the active involvement of the Tole users
of forest. PAR used it as an effective tool because the forest
users of the Tole had been identitying the Tole forest- related
problems, prioritizing them and getting the activities
implemented. They had also been tracking down the changes
when they met. It had also been helping the forest users to solve
their micro level (i.e. Tole level) problems more effectively and
timely. The researchers had also been conducting the semi-
structured interviews with different stakeholders or groups of
stakeholders of the community forest with the objectives of
26 Occasional Papers
gaining their perspective. Thus, a number of methods had been
used in the PAR for accomplishing the objectives of ACM
research. (e.g. well-being of men, women and children and better
management of forests in a sustainable way).
The review of the monthly reports of the site prepared by
the ACM researchers also showed that PAR had its positive
impact on strengthening the communication system/information
flow amongst the stakeholders, joint learning/social learning,
improving forest management activities (e.g. construction of fire
lines), people's understanding of systems perspectives (e.g. how
socio-cultural and economic systems are linked to the bio-
physical system of the forest), reflection (past, present and future
using participatory systems analysis), trust-building among the
stakeholders, use of CFUG fund for income generation of the
poor, transparency and accountability of the committee and
exploring possible collaboration.
The researchers of the PAR site held the view that the
transformative learning process taking place was the direct
function of the collaborative research effort. Given the fact that
the micro-level change vis-a-vis building of the social capital of
the institution and its members had been possible through the
incessant collaborative effort of the local stakeholders and the
researchers in a relatively long period of time. They held the
opinion that these PAR tools were the most suited ones because
they involved the field team and community members in all
aspects of the study, the collection of information, and the
analysis of the findings. The on-the-spot analysis ensured that
gaps in the knowledge/information could be filled immediately
before leaving the field. They always believed that these PAR
tools/techniques raised people's self- awareness, suggested
viable solutions and enabled people analyze complex issues and
problems of forest management. They also shared that the
methodology was flexible and was used for a short time, which
involved low level of cost. They expressed that these were the
strengths of the methodology. And they thought that they
reached the intended participants, i.e., diverse groups of people.
The internal constraint of the use of methodology for the
researchers was the limited financial resource (which had direct
Loya Upreti/ Participatory Action Research... 27
bearing on the length of time). The constraints for the
community people were the busy schedule of the livelihood
activities (were forced to steal the time to participate in the
research process) and skepticism at the beginning (of whether or
not the research would benefit them). However, the rapport built
With the community through the use of PAR tools and the
emphaSIS on the problems for their solution worked as the
enablmg factors for undertaking the research.
The intended benefit of PAR was the sustainable forest
management by the user community wherein well- being of the
diverse groups (men and ,:omen, rich and poor, children, etc.)
was ensured. ThiS was bemg done throuoh intentional learnino
for social transformation and empowerme~,t with the support of
the .~atalytlc agents, that is, researchers. Compared to the
traditIOnal studies, more stakeholders and community interest
groups had been consulted to increase the level of representation.
And the VOices of the women and marginal groups had also been
heard more than before. There had been regular interactions by
the researchers with the different stakeholders of each To/e of the
CFUG which was utterly incon9Civable in the traditional studies.
These were the main strengths of the PAR. But there were also a
number of weaknesses being discerned in the PAR. The field
observation and interaction with the diverse stakeholders had
adduced the confirmatory evidence that all women and
economically marginalized social groups were still not being
mcluded m the PAR process. This was corroborated by the fact
that about a total of 26.8 percent of the user members of the
CFUG reported that they were unaware of the PAR process. The
constramt of the researcher in PAR was the lack of financial
resources to sUppOJ1 the community forestry activities asked by
the users. In fact, the researchers wanted to reduce the
dependency syndrome of the local stakeholders. For the users,
project meant the provision of financial SUppOJ1. Sometimes
when the urgent community need could not be fulfilled with the
SUppoJ1 of limited quantity of financial resources, people turned
to be unwilhng to be participants in the research process.
And the researchers were in awkward condition. The
constraint of the community was the conflict of the time for
28 Occasional Papers Laya Upretil Part;cipatolY Action Research... 29
S. Types of PAR Activities Participation by Gender
_I No. of o. of Total
Males Females
Table. I Relative Quantity of Participation in the PAR Study
Activities in Manakamana Community Forest Users' Group by
Gender in Sankhuwasabha District (200 I).
The ACM researchers shared that the intended benefits
comprised increased collaboration between and among the
internal stakeholders, development of the institutional
networking, transfonnative learning and resolution of conflicts
between and among individuals and different Toles. The costs
included the time of the users for the participation in self-
monitoring activities, Tole levelmeetings/discussions, awareness
creating workshops, quiz contests, facilitation skill training to the
Tole coordinators (planned), excursion to successful CFUGs ,
income generation activities, etc. The researchers thought that
these benefits would be generated only through the catalyzation
of the CFUG to make the users participative in the research
process.
Source: Fieldwork, November, 200 I.
4.0 Researchers' Perceptions on
Participatory Research
41
7 13
30 82
2 4
3
55 102
12 18
119 263
(45.3%) (J 00.0)
the Benefits of
2
2
6
6
29 12
52
47
144
(54.7%)
Total
Second self-monitoring
workshop
Third self-monitoring
workshop
Tole self-monitoring
workshop
Cross-site visit during
second self-monitoring
workshop
Reflection and
leadership workshop
Awareness-raising
workshop
Quiz contest
2.
I.
3.
4.
5.
7.
6.
livelihood actIvItIes and PAR actIvItIes. And a few local
stakeholders also considered the PAR as alien because they did
not receive any tangible benefit immediately as they had seen in
other projects. Nonetheless, the regular interaction of the
researchers with the diverse stakeholders of CFUG and the
relative institutional weaknesses had helped the PAR process get
going smoothly.
During the PAR stage, the study had made an effOlt to
empower the women under the transformation-oriented gender
analysis. The field data have shown that a total of 263 persons
had been mobilized by the ACM research team within a period
of 7 months (beginning from February, 200 I) for their
participation in different institutional development activities such
as self-monitoring workshops, cross-site visits, reflection and
leadership w?rkshop, awareness-raising workshop and forest-
related quiz contests. The field level data generated from the
interview and review of the monthly reports had explicitly
demonstrated that women participation in research activities was
high, that is, 45.3 percent during the PAR phase) (see Table I).
Every time, the ACM researchers made an effort to enhance the
participation of women by making both men and women
understood about the crucial and important role of women.
Sometimes, women were requested by the researchers to
participate even by visiting their homes. They had also always
urged the functionaries of the CFUG committee to include
women in each of their activities and had now realized that
women's participation was as important as the men's
participation. Nonetheless, women <;>f the poor wealth group had
still not been fully mobilized in the PAR activities - a function
of less social mobilization by the ACM researchers and more
concern of these poor women for their own livelihood activities
and household drudgery. Field visit showed that even the
socially and economically marginalized groups were still not
fully included in the PAR activities.
30 Occasional Papers
The informal sharing of the information by the
researchers was thought to have its influence on community
benefits by improving the weak areas (as analyzed earlier on).
The researchers had thought that the local stakeholders would
also generate their own findings through the process of
participation. In other words, the interactive process among the
local stakeholders would generate new findings among them,
which would be possible through reflection. The effect would be
the better functioning of the CFUG in general and committee in
particular.
The ACM research team did the facilitation of the
second self-monitoring workshop organized in February, 2001.
The CFUG had already gone through the first self-assessment
process with the support of district forest office and Nepal-UK
Community Forestry Project (NUKCFP). Hence, the general
objective of the workshop was to activate on-going learning
process which encouraged reflection to apply its learning for the
continual improvement of forest and natural resource
manauement and people's life condition. Since the CFUG had
a . .
already staned the process, it was very important to mamtam a
sense of shared ownership of the workshop and future activities
without disturbing existing ownership feelings. The other
spccific objective were to: (i) revisit the self-assessment process
that the CFUG followed to develop the criteria and indicators
during the previous workshop and add to an exploration of the
concept of learning and monitoring approach to forest
management; (ii) review the indicators developed previously and
assess their strengths and weaknesses and revise them as needed;
(iii) conduct mini-assessment using indicators and exploring
strengths and weaknesses; (iv) prioritize issues for action; and
(v) develop concrete action plan.
A total of 41 participants (J 2 females and 29 males) took
part in the workshop. During the early hours of the first day of
the workshop, it came to be realized by the pal1icipants that the
first self-monitoring workshop had many shortcomings in the
process that led to wrong assessment of indicators. And they also
realized that their assessment also did not reflect the actual
situation of community forestry. Therefore, it was essential to
Laya Upreti/ Parlicipatary Actian Research... 31
revisit the self-assessment process and to review indicators so
that users would realize the mistakes they made. The participants
realized that they did the self-monitoring without the visioning
exercise and there was the mismatch between the issues
identified and prioritized action points. In fact, the action points
the committee had decided to work on were different from the
issues to be addressed as identified by users present during the
workshop. In fact, the participants did eventually realize that
they had not understood the actual meaning and importance of
self-monitoring process.
The researchers also shared that the goal of the
workshop was also to instill the idea among the participants that
self-monitoring is a tool for adaptive and collaborative approach
to forest management (that is, vision statements and indicators as
tools for monitoring progress towards goals, which enable
reflections to contribute to new understanding to adjust and
improve management). The games played during the workshop
also helped the participants to understand the basic concept and
importance of adaptive and collaborative management of
community forest and natural resources. The participants did
recognize their strengths and weaknesses during the period of
game play. They came to the conclusions that each failure was
an opportunity to learn and devise collaborative strategies to be
successful.
The ACM team facilitators had prepared the self-
assessment chart for five vision statements containing three to
five indicators (in each vision statement). Ranking of indicators
was done on the basis of four different phases of the moon
ranging from the new moon to full moon (both being two
extremes). New moon meant no achievement or very little
achievement in the indicator whereas full moon stood for full
achievement. The facilitators explained in brief by demonstrating
one self-assessment chart and scoring method. And the
participants were divided in five different groups for scoring the
indicators of five vision statements separately. They did the
scoring in the groups after a protracted discussion. Finally, each
group presented the scoring sheet in the plenary and the
participants had the heated discussion provided they disagreed
32 Occasional Papers
with the scoring to celtain indicators. There was also a
realization that the users had to do a lot for improvement of the
performance of the indicator that were scored in new moon of
the first phase of the moon.
The workshop facilitated by the ACM team also made
the participation clear on the issue of prioritization. Indicators
that were scored with new moon or the first phase of moon were
considered as weak areas (issues) that need to be addressed by
the CFUG. But it was not possible to address them at a time.
Hence, they were helped for prioritizing them on the basis of
their immediate need of their solution. Thus, they also learned
the prioritization of issues. Finally, the ACM team also helped
them for doing action planning. While facilitating the action
planning process, the participants were asked to brainstorm on
the past history regarding the issue, supporting and hindering
factors, alternative options (that would provide more learning
oppOitunities on the basis of adaptiveness and collaborativeness),
anticipated problems and strategies to address them and action
plans (indicating activities, their commencement, approach to
work, actors responsible, potential problems and possible
solutions).
In fact, the benefit of self-monitoring was for all the
CFUG members. Awareness and women empowerment
workshop and quiz contest did benefit the women. The income
generation activities did benefit mostly the poor households
living within the CFUG area. A total of 13 persons did
participate in the third self-monitoring process (of which 7 were
females and 6 were males) at the committee level. At the Tole
level self-monitoring, a total of 52 male members and 30 female
members did participate. Similarly, a total of 18 participants did
participate in the forest-related quiz contest in six Toles (I male
and 2 females from each Tole).
Thus, self-monitoring and Tole meeting were used as the
research tools. Similarly, participant observation had also been
used as another method particularly during the committee
meeting, general assembly, Tole and other informal meetings to
understand the power dynamics, interactive relationship and
domination as well as submission of marginalized interest groups
Laya Upreli/ ParlicipatOlY Action Research.. 33
and the individuals. During the interaction with the committee
meetings or functionaries of the committee, semi-structured
interview was also conducted to arrive at a conclusion for the
solution of problems.
Each finding of the PAR activities was communicated to
the users in the committee and Tole meeting. During the
committee meeting, the members had identified that the new
DFID-funded livelihood project had the provision of extending
support to the existing CFUGs and had been eagerly waiting for
ACM researchers for getting an appropriate modality of possible
collaboration. This finding was linked to the ACM approach.
Likewise, they had discovered that exchange of opinion and
visits between and among the CFUGs greatly contributed to
social learning process.
As indicated earlier on, the second self-monitoring
workshop worked as a foundation during which a shared ideal
vision of the future was developed. People, then, started
exploring concepts of collaboration, and learning and monitoring
approaches to the community forestry managemenl. Then, they
also started exploring criteria and indicators and finally,
developed a local set of criteria and indicators based on the
vision of the ideal future. They had also started revising C&I as
part of learning and monitoring approach. Using the C&I, self-
assessment was done. They had also identified the strengths and
weaknesses and their prioritization. And action plans were
formulated on the basis of the prioritized issues. In fact, these
were the benefits generated by PAR.
In fact, the contribution provided by the ACM
researchers during the second self-monitoring workshop helped
the local stakeholders to internalize it in the proper. Earlier, they
had given the highest scores to the progress of prioritized issues
and there was competition among the different Toles to be first
without making the actual progress. This had happened due to
the lack of visioning. But during the PAR, there were no more
problems in this regard.
It has been argued that if the gender participation
improves, it will contribute to the sustainable forest management
mechanism. There are empirical evidences in Nepal that once
34 Occasional Papers
women start taking palt in forest management activities,
particularly in the decision-making process, the condition of the
forest will improve and the equity of the distribution of forest
products will be ensured. Women are the primary stakeholders
because they have close relation to forest for fetching firewood,
fodder, leaf litter, etc. Their frequency of visiting the forest is
higher than men. Hence, they are more familiar with the
community forestry. But there was no gender equity in decision-
making process at the beginning of PAR in the CFUG studied. It
has been recognized that lack of women's participation in forest
management and decision-making hinders sustainable forest
development and ACM was being proved as an effective strategy
for effective gender palticipation in community forest
management and decision-making process - a function PAR.
Ever since the PAR activities had been initiated, the ACM
researchers had played a facilitating role in increasing the
participation of women in the self-monitoring process which
subsequently helped the women to be aware of the importance of
their participation in sustainable and equitable forest
management. Thus, PAR had been using the transformation-
oriented gender analysis. Women had been considerably
empowered - a function of PAR for building the social capital (
Sharma,200 I). For example, they had become increasingly
aware of the functioning of the committee, general assembly and
Tole committees. They started to speak in the public forum
much better than before. The awareness creation and
empowerment workshop did really make the local women aware
of the roles and responsibilities of committee functionaries and
transparency as well as accountability. And as a result, the
women members of the CFUG pressurized the secretary of the
committee to repay the misappropriated amount of Rs. 39,000.
They voiced that they would not allow to have general assembly
taken place until its repayment and it was postponed once for
that reason. And finally, the secretary returned the
misappropriated amount. This was an example of
transformation- oriented gender analysis. Though the greater
number of the stakeholders had been mobilized during the PAR,
Loya Upre/i/ ParlicipalOry Ac/ion Research... 35
not all economically and socially marginalized groups had been
incorporated in the process.
The ACM strategy had also been gradually effective in
enhancing the level of meso and micro-level sharing among the
stakeholders. There were different types of stakeholders of the
CFUGs at district and range post level (meso level) and local
level (micro-level). There had been the confirmatory evidences
that ever since the ACM team members started working as the
facIlitators at the four monthly meeting of the range post level
co-ordination committee (which used to represents the CFUGs of
the range post), it had turned to be a forum of exchanging views
on forest management and helping each other for the resolution
of the forest boundary and management-related conflicts. The
ACM researchers had also inspired the two CFUGs (of New
ERA sites) for cross-site sharing, which had been proved to be
extremely instrumental for mutual learning the lessons/gaining
experIences for practical applications.
5.0 Local Stakeholders' Perceptions on the Benefits
of Participatory Action Research
Most of the people who participated in the PAR shared
that they had been present in the initial two days' second self-
monitoring workshop facilitated by the ACM team. Some had
participated both in awareness- raising workshops and quiz
contests. People who did not have time and did not have interest
and who were not informed did not participate in the PAR
activities. Small government job holders and school teachers
did not participate. The time of participation ranged from 4
hours to 40 hours. The highest amount of time was spent by
those people who spent 5 days in self-monitoring workshops
(two days in the beginning and three days in the subsequent one).
In fact, the participation of the committee members was
definitely higher compared to other forest users. The reported
reasons behind the participation were for being aware of forest
management, strengthening the committee, developing sense of
ownership of the research process and helping the committee
people to conserve the forest, developing the ability for
continuous self-monitoring for tracking the change. Some
36 Occasional Papers
shared that deep interest in the forest conservation, interest in
games (played as energizers during the workshop), provision of
prizes during the workshop, and the request made by the
researchers were the principal factors behind the participation.
The expected benefits were enhanced skills on
sustainable forest management and conservation, awareness on
the roles and responsibilities of the users towards the forest,
understanding of New ERA's role in strengthening the committee
in particular and user group in general (as previously done by
Nepal-UK Community Forestry Project), possibility of
cementing better ties with New ERA for effective forest-related
programme implementation in the future, exploration of
possibility of increasing the production of non-timber forest
products and initiation of the income generation program
through the channelization ofCFUG fund, etc.
A number of the actual advantages were also reported.
For example, the actual advantage from the self-monitoring
workshop was the internalization of its very importance for
tracking down changes for the sustainable forest management.
Increased sense of ownership over the community forestry was
another outcome of the participation of the workshop. The
games played during the workshop also gave the knowledge to
the participation how the internal collaboration would contribute
to achieve the desired goal. They realized that the role of the
women was also equally important in the conservalion of the
forest. The importance of the regular reflection was also realized
as the actual advantage. Even illiterales were able to participate
in the self-monitoring process due to the use of pictorial chart.
The gradual disappearance of the fear/hesitation to speak with
the outsiders was another advantage from the self-monitoring
process/workshop.
The users had a perception that the self-monitoring
workshop induced a number of major changes in the CFUGs.
These comprised (i) improved communication and consultation
between the committee of CFUG and different interest groups
within the CFUG; (ii) regularity in committee and assembly
meetings; (iii) development of the agreed plan and its effective
implementation of the plans; (iv) increased use of CFUG income
Loyo Upreti/ Participatory Action Research... 37
in social development activities (i.e., income generation for the
poor), and (iv) decreasing expectation of the communities for the
financial assistance from the donor (because ACM researchers
had told them that there was no funding for the CFUG activities
and only institutional support was provided) .The awareness and
empowerment workshop (as indicated earlier on) also helped the
women to be bold e.nough for taking· interest in transparency of
the committee actIVItIes and became assertive.
. . The quiz contest helped increase the knowledge of the
partIcIpants on the community forestry and constitution and
operational plan of the CFUG. In other words, they were aware
of the rules and regulations of the community forest. The
vIewers of the programme were also benefited from it. Given the
fact that there was the formation of sub-groups at each Tole to
lead each separate action plan, each of them learned from its
activities and ~djusted the activities accordingly. Each group
shared Its learn1l1g and progress with CFUG through semi-annual
and Tole meet!ngs and annual development of annual work plans
vIa Tole meet1l1gs and assembly. In fact, the agreed prioritized
Issues and optIons were selected in the assembly and thus, tile
micro-level processes were embedded in the macro-level
process. This whole process had been giving advantages to the
CFUG members.
There had been the perceptions amon a the stakeholders
that the participating stakeholders were bett:r-off in terms of
their enhanced capacity (social capital) that could contribute to
the effective functioning of their CFUG and its committee. And,
111 the long run, it would definitely contribute to make the
community better off-a function of the enhanced social capital
6.0 Conclusions
. . . The participatory action research was geared towards
1l1stltulional strengthening/empowerment of the CFUGs
(including the capacity-building of diverse stakeholders of the
group/community) and this was its principal strength. Besides
t11JS, the other strengths comprised the relatively high focus on
understand1l1g the multIple perspectives/high focus on the quality
of partICIpatIOn, greater degree of the reliability of the findings
38 Occasional Papers
(because more intimate contact was maintained for building trust
between the researchers and the local stakeholders), more
triangulation of the information by talking to a greater number of
people in a longer span of time and use of more methods/tools,
higher degree of the adaptability of the research approach (for
instance, if the self-monitoring system had not worked
effectively for the institutional sustainability or if the Tole
meetings had not yielded expected results, then the researcher
and stakeholders would have devised strategies for the
rectification of the weaknesses or used other methods/tools
collaboratively), greater emphasis on co-learning (researchers
and local people learnt together from each other's activities), dis
-aggregation of the collected information for the benefit of
stakeholders (e.g. collection of the socio-economic information
of the poor/vulnerable households for the initiation of income
generating activities), higher degree of the perception of the
"ownership" of the research process , more focus on the
determination of possible-plausible connection (because effort
was always made to look at minutely what factors have triggered
the change in the community which was also feasible due to the
relatively long stay of the researchers in the community), etc.
Despite the plethora of strengths of PAR, it was also not
free from its weaknesses as witnessed in the field. The research,
albeit focused on higher diversity of stakeholders, could not be
very effective in reaching all the poor men and women - a
function of the less orientation of the researchers on the goal of
empowering "participation" to "empower" marginalized people
and community by strengthening collective and individual
capacity and decision-making power within a wider society and
less social mobilization by the researchers (Ashby, 1996) and
lack of genuine commitment of the researchers and CFUG
committee members to empower them. The poor also bore more
costs by providing more time (for their longer term benefit) to be
utilized for eking out their livelihood.
If "empowerment" is the goal, it is important to
strengthen local institutional and individual capacities by
involving local people throughout the research process: in
problem identification and definition, collection and analysis of
Laya Uprelil ParticipalOly AClion Research... 39
information, planning of possible solutions, and in mobilizing
local action for change (McAlisster, 1999:5). In fact, the quality
of the research also hinges on the competency of the researchers
using the participatory methods and hence, it has to be enhanced
by enhancing their critical understanding of the limitations and
benefits of tools and methods, and increasing their awareness of
power and social relations which underlie participatory processes
and influence whose perspectives are presented and awareness
on how participatory methods do have influence on information
and action.
The author wishes to acknowledge Mr. Pradip Poudel
and Mrs. Karuna Tamrakar for garnering in the relevant
information, aryan Sitoula and Kalpana Sharma for providing
the information, Cynthia McDougall and Mary Milne of The
Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) for
providing the comments in the slightly different version of the
paper and New ERA for providing opportunity to work in the
ACM and participatory research and gender analysis projects.
REFERENCES
Ashby, i.A 1996. "What do We Mean by Participatory Research in
Agriculture. New Frontiers in Parlicipot01Y Research Clnd
Gender Ana~ysis". Proceedings of the International Seminar
on Participatory Research and Gender Analysis for
Technology Development, Sept. 9·14, Columbia.
Campbell, Lorna and Gill, G.T., 1991. Participatory Rural Appraisal
lor Nepal: Concepts and Methods, Kathmandu: Winrock
International.
Centre for International Forestry Research, 2000. The ACM
Researchers' Hondhook, Bogar, Indonesia.
Chambers, Robert, 1992. Rural Appraisal : Rapid, Rela.rd and
Participatory. Institute of Development Studies, UK.
McAllister, Karen, 1999. Underslanding Participation. IDRC.
Selener, D. 1997. ParticipalOly Action Research and Social Change.
New York, Cornell Participatory Action Research Network,
ComeII University.
Sharma, Kalpana.200 I.Gender Dynamics 01 Community Forest
Management through Collaborative and Adaptive Strategies:
A Case Sludy from the AeM Sites 01Sankhuwasabha Dislrict,
40 Occasional Papers
Nepal. A Draft Paper Prepared during the Writing Workshop,
November 5-19,2001. CIFOR, Bogar, Indonesia.
Thesis, Joachin and Grady, H.M. 1991. Participatory Rapid Appraisal
for Community Development. International Institut~ for
Environment and Development and Save the Children
Federation.
Uprety, Laya Prasad.200 I. ParticipalOry Research and Gender
Analysis Impact Assessment. New ERA, Kathmandu.
Uprety, Laya Prasad, Narayan Sitoula and Kalpana Sharma, 200 I.
Background Study for Adaptive Co-management: A FlI1al
Report Submil/ed 10 CIFOR, Bogar, Indonesia. ew ERA,
Kathmandu.
Uprety, Laya Prasad, Narayan Sitoula and Kalpana Sharma. Adaptive
and Collaborative Management 111 Community Forestry in
Nepal: A Final Report of Main Case Studies of Monakamana
and Andheribhajana Community Users' Groups of
Sankhuwasabha District Submil/ed to CIFOR, Bogar,
Indonesia. New ERA, Kathmandu.
CHANGING PATTERN OF FOREST
CONSUMPTION: A CASE STUDY FROM AN
EASTERN HILL VILLAGE IN NEPAL
Binod Pokharel'
1. Preliminal1'
This is a longitudinal study on the changing pattern of
forest consumption in Belahara Village Development Committee
of Dhankuta district for the period 200 I to 1991. The author
carried out a follow up study in 200 I and compared it with the
results of the study conducted by the author in 1991 for his thesis
research in M.A. degree in Anthropology to know the changing
behavior of forest consumption in the study area. The follow up
study attempts to find out the changing factors associated with
forest consumption behaviour of the people. Similarly, this
article also compares and contrasts the past and present forest
consumption pattern of the study area.
In 199 I there were 750 households (HHs) at the VDC.
Out of a total of 750 HHs 80 HHs were selected for the study.
During the period of follow up study, the family members of the
same 80 sampled houses were separated from original
households for data collection (few of them were found to leave
their village and get settled down along the road). The major
tools and techniques used in the study were formal/informal
Mr. Binod Pokhard is the Lecturer in Anthropology at the Central
Department of Sociology/Anthropolog). Tribhu\'an University. Kirtipur.
Kathmandu.
42 Occasional Popers
interview interview schedule and observation. The data gathered
from orig'inal and follow up studies were compared with the help
of tables. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistical
tool such as percentage.
2. Review
2.1 Utilization of Forest
Forest resources are essential to the livelihood (Fricke,
1993) of the people who live in subsistence agriculture econmny.
Forest is used for several purposes like cookmg, heating,
lighting, etc. As stated by Beresford (1968)~ there are manifold
uses of forest in the world, VIZ. cultivation, fuel wood for
cookin" and timber for consumption of homes. Forest bio-mass
is the I~~in source of energy in the world. Of all the wood cut in
the forest of the world around half is burnt as domestic fuel
(Ibid). Historically, Nepal's rural populations have been meeting
the energy needs from the traditional sources like fuel-wood and
other bio-mass resources (AEPC, 2000). Firewood shares the
highest percentage of consumption of the country. MoF (200 I)
noted that of the total energy demand of the country, 77.7% is
met from the firewood. Firewood is a basic source of energy for
cooking in most part of the rural areas in Nepal. The second
most commonly used fuel is dung. The use of firewood IS highly
prominent in the mountain and the hill areas (CBS, 2002). The
role of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), electriCity and kerosene m
cooking purposes in still negligible. CBS (2002) stated that cent
percent households in the Far Western region are found to use
firewood for cooking purpose. The utilization of dung IS Widely
common in the eastern Tarai. The use of dung for energy
gradually decreases as we move on to the west from the east
(Ibid). Share of the rural areas in total energy consumption of the
country is about 87%. Rural sector accounts for 89% of the total
rural energy consumption. However, if only commercial energy
(including new and renewable energy) is considered, then the
rural areas consume only 30% of total commercial energy
consumption (WECS, 1995 quoted by AEPC, 2000). ..
Forestry plays an important role m sustamlng. the
productivity of the land by using the organic manure of anllnal
Binod Pokhorell Chonging Pal/ern ofFores/... 43
dung supported with bedding materials from the forest which
provides grass, trees and fodder for animals (ADBIN, HMGIN
1982 : 63). It is considered a very important contribution of
forestry to hill farming in the use of plant bio-mass when mixed
with animal excreta yields organic compost m'anure which
forms the principal source of soil nutrients for hilly agricultural
land (ICIMOD, 1987:8). Fuel for cooking fires and warmth,
lumber for roofing, floor planks and household timbers and the
raw materials for the whole array of household and farm tools
come from th~ forest area in Tamang village (Fricke, 1993).
Lackmg suffiCIent supply of fossil fuel as well as industrial fuel
Nepal has heavily relied on fuel wood as main source of energy.
It IS estimated that the fuel-wood is the source of83.7 percent of
energy used (WECS, 1987: I) and per capita consumption of
energy IS equIvalent to 490 kilograms of coal in epal energy
(EconomIc Survey, 1989). There is a considerable variation in
the consumption of fuel wood in the different regions of the
country. In the rural hills, consumption ranges from about 0.7
cum in the central region to nearly 1.2 cum in the east.
Consumption in the rural Terai ranges from less than 0.6 cum,
ranges from less than 0.6 cum, in the central region to over 1.4
cum in the mid-West and for west (WEC, 1988, cited by
Wallace, 1988: 5). These figures show that hilly people consume
more fuelwood than urban and Terai dwellers do. Fricke (1993)
stated that fuel consumption varies by season in Tamang village.
During the cold months of November through February,
households burn nearly one load a day, while a load will last
close to five days in the other months. Stevens (1993) noted that
Sherpa's household firewood use varies seasonally and also with
wealth, household size and labour resources, and the
accessibility of forest. Forest consumption pattern is also
affected by some imp?rtant variables like class, caste/ethnicity
and family size. In thIS regard Pokharel (1991) mentioned that
some ethnic groups like Rai, Tamang and Newar consumed more
firewood than Brahmin and Chhetry because of cultural reasons.
People collect firewood from different sources. In this regards
one report (CBS, 2002) states that
44 Occasional Papers
More than two-thirds of the households..collect firewood
from the forest. The other form of collection of firewood is from
the land owned by the households. In rural Nepal 68 percent of
the households reported collecting firewood from the jungle and
the community forests whereas 25 percent households reported
such collection being done from their own land. Only 5 percent
of the households purchase firewood from the market.
Fodder from the forest is the most important for
livestock, especially at certain times of the year when grasses are
unavailable at agricultural land. As mentioned by FAO
(1985; 12) in arid areas, trees often provide regular supplies of
fodder in the form of edible seeds and pods and leaves. During
the time of drought, they become important sources of animal
feed. Timber is considered the major construction material of the
huts, houses and buildings in Nepal. Malia er. al (1981)
mentioned that the per capita timber consumption in Nepal is 8
cu.ft per year.
2.2. History of Forest Management and Consumption
Prior to 1957 most of the forests were under control of
local community. The traditional forest management strategies
followed the principle of considering the needs of local people.
Pokharel et. al. (1996) stated that before 1957 nobody could cut
trees to thatch or collect fodder from the forest without local
indigenous organization's permission. Permission to cut down
fuel wood was granted depending on household size, and
gathering of thatching grass was allowed in proportion to roof
area of a house. Hence, the forest utilization behaviour was
largely controlled by the local organization in the past. Many
literatures on forestry analysed the forest situation of Nepal
before 1957 in terms of Management. Gilmour and Fisher (1991)
noted that Nepal had different forest management strategies in
different historical epoch. As stated during the unification period
Thari and Jimbuwal were responsible to control the forest and
the government looked after few forests. They made rules,
regulations and operational plan. Dahal (1993) notes that before
1964, there existed primarily Kipal and Raikar system of land
tenure in the Eastern Hill Region. Both land and forest resources
Binod Pokharel! Changing Pal/ern ofForest... 45
were held under the Subba Jilll/twal Ph.
were responsible for both ;he .' a art, and Thari. They
and its allocation. It is said t~~:tall1abl~ use of the resources
behaviour was regularized b ~~oples forest consumption
organizations in the past. y e local and trad,tlonal
The literatures of forest h
deforestation started just after the ry / o~ that the process of
countries of ASI·a A<· dna IOna Izatlon of forest. Many
, mca an Latll1 A· .
massive deforestation under the stale I d menca expenenced
countries in the developing world tl e forestry strategy. Ten
under forest in the lat contall1ed substantial areaspast were at prese t .
fuel wood "scarcity" T/· /. .. I n 111 a state of acute
. liS lSI 1I1C udes Etl· . N· .
and Tanzania in Africa. An . I 1I0pla, Igena, Senegal
Asia, Haiti and P .' L ganlstlan,. Bangladesh and Nepal in
/9 eru 111 alll1 Amenca (Noronha and S
. 85). Noronha and Spears (1985) . d . pears,
II1ternational agencies' concentratio vlewe that ~n 1970
management of n on the protection andgovernment owned f,
questioned Forest for I orest reserves was
forestry d;velopm~t in tJ~e/~oPle I;eralqed a new approach to
different type of forest manaag a 111 9781
. Nepal also practiced
fores P ement 111 tle name of Pancha alworl~' fo~:~~~~n~~~~~C~~d ;~~e;t, ~asehold forest, etc after ~,e
1970s a r I . . owever, the effect of late
fore pp oac., of community forestry hardly chan ed thesaysS;~t ~~:J~~~c~f t~ef,country. In this regards Dahalg (1994)
could not function ~:ect~::,st, an~ the Panchyal protected forest
the local level and the f, y as t lere was httle participation at
file of the Pradhan P ~res~rul~s were slll1ply confined to the
village peo Ie d anc a. e Viewed that the sensitivity of the
considered by t~~ v::~:~/f;:~::s~~~uctrequirements were hardly
In late 1980s the concept f .
as new approach Th 0 community forest emerged
forestry m . e approach focused on people-centered
anagement The a If·
Nepal emerged in re~ pproacl 0 community forestry in
implication of dec/ing j,0nse to (;n II1creas,ng awareness of the
several scholars (Chhe~;;es;~~ p:u~an er. ai, 1995). However,
Lamsal 1991)· din ay, /992, and Baral and
, Vlewe tlat community forestry was started in
46 Occasional Papers
Nepal because of the existence of indigenous forest management
system. ., .
After the government Illterventlon III forestry sector late
1980s and early 1990s, several changes have been experienced in
the field of forest consumption. The mode of behaviour of
people have changed because of outside factors SUCh. as
government intervention, population growth, mIgratIon,
integration into national and global economy and other
processes. Because of new invention. people have de\eloped
many adjustments to obtain and use resources. In Ih,s regards.
Stevens (1993) states the people of Himalayan like highland
regions, have developed for subsisting the distinctive conditions
of ecosystems.
3. The Study Area
The study area lies on the western part of the district
capital of Dhankuta. The area under study is located on Ihe ridge
of Belahara and alluvial basins of Patle Khola, Ruduwa Khola
and Tamor river. The eastern and southern part of the study
village is touched by Dharan-Dhankuta highway. Hile-Chhintang
fair weather road connects the northern and western part of the
VDC. In the study the forest covers area 22% of the Iota I land.
The contribution of the forest to the people of the Belahara
includes fuelwood, timber, fodder, some fruits and vegetables.
The total population of the village is 5720 comprising
2807 female and 2413 male with 1028 households (VDC. 200 I).
The Rais(20%) are the dominant group of the village followed
by Clrhelries( 15%), Tallwng( 13%), Magars( 13%), Kalllis( 12%),
Dalllais( II %), Newars( I0%) and Brahalllilf(6%).
4. Forest History of the Study Area
Like in other parts of the country. the forest of the study
area was under the control of local indigenous group of people
called Allrpa/wria Rai. The authority of the Alhpalrariyas later
shifted into llrari and lilllblf\l'a/ of the Clrlrelry and Bralrlllilf
groupS. As noted there was dense forest in the village upto 1970.
Binod Pokhore// Changing Pallern ojForesl... 47
It is said that the forest of the village was under the control of
local people even after it was nationalized in 1957. As reported.
Forest Nationalization Act became effective only after the late
1960s. In 1970s, Dhankuta was declared as development center
of Eastern Development Region. During that time, a large
number of regional level government offices were established.
Population influx of the district headquarters increased because
of offices. As told by informants, the fuel wood demand of the
district headquarters was fulfilled by the adjoining areas like
Belahara, Bhirgoan, Atmara, etc. Similarly, at the same time,
government and individuals began to construct the houses for
line agencies. As recorded most of the timber demand of the
headquarters was supplied from the area under study. The other
major upheavals and change of the forestry of the study area
were Dharan- Dhankuta Highway. Thirteen kilometers of
highway, out of 52 k.m. passes through village territory from
Tamor river to Patle Khola., this brought tremendous changes in
many aspects of the social life of the village. The transpol1ation
changed the settlement pattern of the village from the scattered
to concentrating trend along the highway as wetl as the pattern of
using forest resources. During the construction period of road 13
km forested area was destroyed from Tamor river to Pat Ie Khola.
After the construction of road, the naturally protected forest on
steeper slopes of Southern pal1 which was far from the villages,
also experienced massive destruction due to cutting down of
piles of Khair (Acacia Catechu) trees and fuelwood for their sale
in market as well as personal use. The construction of highway
encouraged the people of other areas also to exploit this forest.
During the first field visit in 1991, 200 bhari (I Bhari = 30 kg)
of firewood was supplied to Dhankuta bazaar from the area
under study. Hence, the opening of the highway had intensified
the process of degradation in several ways. As noted the process
of forest degradation continued in the beginning of 1991. The
concept of community forest was introduced in the slud) area
around 1993. Now there are 157 foresl lIser groups. Afler 1993,
48 Occasional Papers
many changes have taken place in forest consumption behaviour
of the people. People developed several adaptive strategies to
cope with changing pattern of forest management.
5. Adaptive Process of People
After the establishment of community forest (CFs) in the
area people were confined to be the member of particular
community forestry. Prior to CF, one could get the firewood
from any forest of the village. Because of heavy deforestation
between the period of 1970-1990, people felt scarcity of
firewood. Community forestry approach also established some
rules with regard to forest products. Both deforestation and CF
controlled the easy access of people on forest. To cope with
changing situation, they developed several strategies to fulfill
their energy demand. Adaptive strategy denotes those patterns
formed by the many separate adaptive processes (Bennet, 1996).
In 1991, there was complete absence of alternative source of
energy throughout the village. Out of 80 hhs, 35 hhs were found
installing bio-gas during the period of follow up study. In the
past some ethnic group like Rai, TOII/ollg, Newor and Kall/i used
more firewood than other groups because a function of cultural
needs. Except heating and cooking, they used firewood for wine
making. Because of market intervention distillery products
displaced their alcohol-brewing business. The factory made
alhocol gave the death blow to the local alcohol-brewing
business, . Scarcity of charcoal gave pressure to the blacksmith
to abandon their crafting business. In 1991, eight households, out
of ten were under patron -client relationship but after a decade,
only 2 houses were noticed involving in their traditional
occupation. The community forestry was strictly restricted to
make charcoal from the forest of VDC under study. People's
dependency on firewood was high in 1991. However, the
dependency on forest had significantly decreased in 200 I.
Binod Pokharell Changing Pal/ern afForesl... 49
Table- I Changing Pattern of Firewood Consumption on the
Basis of Caste and Ethnicity
Main Source of Fuel, 1991 Main Source of Fuel, 200 I
0
"" ~ " ""
~
"~ ~ 0 ~ 0 ~ ~ ~z 1';1 0. 0 ~ '" ~ '" 0 '" "~ oil ~ ~ ~ ~ oIl~ ~ ~
.. " " "
:r: ,:r:
"
:r:
"
:r: ,:r: e :r:.c
'"
0
.e ~ :r: :r: .2 :r:
." UJ u ~ ~ 6 ;;; ~ " ~
" "
C!l :>£ ~ ~ C!l ~ :>£Vl t.:i: "-
Rai 10 6 4
2 Chhetry 10 2 8
3 Magar 10 7 3
4 Brahmin 10 2 8
5 Tamang 10 6 4
6 Newar 10 2 5 3
7 Kami 10 8 2
8 Damai 10 9
Total 80 42 35 3
Source: Field Survey, 1991-200 I
The table I shows the change coming in firewood
consumption pattern between the period of 1991-200 I. There are
three factors which force the people to use bio-gas. The first one
is that the CFs fixed the amount of firewood requirement of each
household. One can harvest firewood one time in a year, which
is barely sufficient for them. The second one is subsidy on bio-
gas encouraged the people to install it. The last one is people's
awareness on forest preservation. At the national level, the
percentage of households using alternation sources of energy
(LPG, Kerosene, Bio-gas, etc.) in the rural areas is negligible.
However, the percentage of using bio-gas in the area under study
is high because of government intervention and transpoliation
facilities. However, bio-gas is still used for limited purposes i.e.
cooking. Use of bio-gas for lighting was not common through
out the VDC. As observed bio-gas is used for cooking two times
meal and one time snack in a day. During the course of big feast
and festivals, all of the users of the bio-gas also use firewood for
50 Occasional Papers Binod Pokharel/ Changing Pallern 0/Foresl... 51
5 Pigs 90 110
2 Oxen 134 50
3 Buffaloes 68 70
4 Goats 274 130
Source: Field Survey, 1991-200 I
The number of all animals except the pig had decreased.
The causes of decrease were several such as installation of bio
gas, restriction on forest, lack of manpower at the family, etc.
cooking. All of the sampled households use firewood for
preparing Khole (gruel).
b. Changing Herd Composition and Herding Movement
Livestock are essential to the livelihood of the study
area. Animals are kept for several purposes such as milk, manure
and draft. They used to maintain large number of animals in
1991. As recorded in 1991, the average size of livestock holding
per household was 9. Now this number had significantly
declined to 5. The community forestry had restricted the animal
grazing in the forest freely. The respondents of the study area
would collect the fodder only on seasonal basis. In 1991, leaf
and grass from forest were the main sources of animal feed.
After the formation of forest user groups, crop residue (straw)
was the major source of fodder. To cope with the fodder
scarcity, the respondents started to grow fodder trees at their
agricultural land. In 1991, only 17 households independently
provided year round fodder for the animal. Now, the number of
independently fodder supplier household reached 25 in 2001.
The size of livestock of two different period has been presented
in tables 2.
Table : 2 Comparison of Livestock Size of two Different
Periods.
The households who owned bio gas needed regu lar supply of
dung. Therefore, they kept fewer animal on stall-fed basis.
Similarly, the local breeds of buffaloes and cows were gradually
replaced by improved ones. The improved breeds of livestock
needed more care and people invested more money on the
animals. Therefore, they did not let the animals stray because of
their high cost. The second reason was restriction on grazing in
community forest. The third reason was that in the past herding
was the duty of children. As noted, most of the children of
sample households went to school. Similarly, adult males of the
area under study were hardly available at the village as they went
outside to earn their livelihood. In the past, some families had a
tendency to keep domestic servants for animal herding. The
transportation facilities in the district created other type of wage
labouring opportunities within and outside of the village.
Therefore, the members of the poor households stalled to give
little preferences to herding works. Difficulty in recruiting
herders was one of the responsible factors to decrease the
livestock size in the study village.
Balahara had no open grazing land and Kharka
(seasonal/ individual/coll1l11unal gazing land). As recorded there
was 8 ropan;s of grazing land in the village. The forest lands
had been restricted for grazing animals since 1993. Therefore,
the majority of the households shifted their herding place from
forest grazing land to stall feeding. Scarcity of grazing [and and,
need of dung and urine for bio-gas are the major factors to
change the herding practices of the people. Change on herding
practices created new social involvement. In the past, for
example, herding was the duty of children but now collecting
dung, operating gas-pit and taking care the livestock are of the
duties of the adult population also.
7. Change in Firewood Consumption Pattern
Firewood is used for different purposes such as heating,
cooking, etc. In addition, it provides many other amenities to the
82
Total Number in
2001
182
Total Number in
1991
Cows
S.N. Type of Animal
52 Occasional Papers
villagers such as heating the houses particularly in the upper
parts of this area where the winter is fairly severe. In 1991, the
per capita consumption of firewood was 617.57 kg. in the village
annually which was higher than national level firewood
consumption. The rate of firewood consumption has significantly
changed within a decade. The rate of firewood consumption is
presented in table: 3
Table: 3 Rate of Firewood Consumption on the Basis of Caste
and Ethn icity
Source of Firewood
Collection 200 I
"
"0 ~
e ~"O ~~ a ~0 <5"- 0-
7 J
10
6 4
5 5
8 2
6 I J
10
10
62 15 J
Method of Firewood
Collection 199 J
~
"00
" ~0 e ~ "0C C
Z 0 > -"l ~
"- 6 <5
Total 80 75 5 2
Chhetry 10 9
2 Magar 10 10
J Brahmin 10 9 t
4 Rai 10 8 2
5 Tamang 10 9 I
6 Newar 10 8 2
7 Kami to 10
8 Damai 10 to
Binod Pokharel/ Changing POllern a/Forest... 53
kind of practices are largely controlled with the establishment of
CFs. The number of households collecting firewood from the
own land was small in 1991, i.e. 5 HHs. This figures exceeds in
15 households in 200 I. Among the ethnic/caste groups, the
households of Brahmin and Rai consume the highest proportion
of firewood collected from the owned land. Table 4 presents the
firewood collection pattern of two different periods.
Table No.4 Firewood Collection Pattern of the Respondents on the
Basis of Caste and Ethnicity
Source: Field Survey, 1991 and 200 I.
8. Change in Timber Consumption
Timber is used in the study village for the construction
of houses and cow shed. In the area under study, houses are
mostly made of stones and timber. Timber is used for door and
window frames, shutters, roof rafters and ceilings. In 1991, the
houses were generally two storeyed and the roofing is mostly
cOJ1tcal thatched. Bamboo was used for thatching the cattle shed
and houses. In addition, timber provided agricultural equipment
such as plough, yoke, handle for hoe, etc. In the present study,
attempt has been made to compare the past and present timber
consumption pattern of the sample households on the basis of
caste and ethnicity.
415.15
301.0
504.14
276.0
357.11
212.00
585.00
387.00
2001 (Kg)
Annual Per
Capita of
Firewood in
Annual per
Capital of
Firewood in
1991 (Kg)
Castel No. of
Ethnic HHS
Group
8 Damai 10 600.00
I Rai 10 700.64
2 Chhetry 10 403.33
3 Magar 10 738.26
4 Brahmin 10 421.76
5 Tamang 10 508.05
6 Newar 10 605.10
7 Kami 10 1085.70
Source: Field Survey, 1991 and 2001
The per capita firewood consumption rate has
significantly decreased in 200 I compared to 1991. As mentioned
in 1991, people had access to all forest areas of the village. Now
people are depended only on forest to collect the forest
resources. The Komis shared the highest percentage of firewood
both in 1991 and 2001. However, the ratio of consumption has
declined by fifty percent. There is a cultural reason behind the
use of such a large volume of firewood by blacksmiths.
According to blacksmiths, themselves, about fifty percent of the
firewood was converted into charcoal for manufacturing
agricultural implements such as spade, sickle,
Khllkllri(lrodiliOlloi knife), etc. In addition, some of them
supplied charcoal to Dhankuta bazaar for sale. However, such
54 Occasional Papers Binod Pokharel/ Changing Pal/ern a/Forest... 55
In 1991, among the 80 respondents. 77 respondents extracted
timber from the forest. However, this tendency declined in 2001
because of the FUG formation and ownership feeling of the
people. The housing pattern of the roadside significantly
changed. In 1991, almost all houses were roofed by thatch grass.
The follow up study shows that iron sheet was the roofing
material of the roadside dwellers and well-to-do families.
9. A New Innovation: Family Forest
Systematic plantation of trees for fulewood, fodder, and
timber was hardly observable in 1991. However, with the
introduction to community forestry, individual family started to
plant multipurpose trees to meet their fodder, firewood and
timber demand. In the mid of 1990s, the British road project
started to plant the seedlings at both side of highway and
encourage to the locals to plant trees on their land. The project
also provided seedlings and technical support to the people. Now
people have domesticated some trees at the edge of agricultural
land. As Noronha and Spears (1985) noted, adopting family
forestry implies a change in behaviour inasmuch as farmers
didn't not previously plant fuel wood systematically Another
trend during the last decade is the plantation of bamboo trees ill
the vertical slope of agricultural land. There was some tendency
to grow bamboo plants for fodder, roofing and firewood in the
past. However, after 1995, people were attracted towards
bamboo farming because of its economic value in the local
market. The price of single bamboo tree was Rs. 20-25 in the
beginning of 1991. The demand of bamboo tree is increased after
1995 and the price of a bamboo tree reached Rs 40-50.
10. Change in Firewood Sale
There were 10 sample households involved in firewood
sale in 1991. As recorded, each day bundle of firewood was
supplied in Dhankuta Bazar in the beginning of 1991. There
were a large number of poor families involved in firewood sale
up to 1993. After the construction of Dharan Dhankuta highway,
some of the highway labourers started to live ill the area under
Source: FIeld Survey, 1991 and 2001
For 80 sample households, the per capita consumption of
timber was 37.57 cu. ft. per annum in 1991. The timber
consumption rate was higher in 1991 at the area under study not
only owing to any domestic requirement, but they had also a
tendency to stock timber for future construction. With the
introduction of community forestry timber consumption
behaviour is regularized by forest user groups. Now one can get
timber on the basis of his/her needs rather than wants. According
to forest user groups' rule, a household gets fixed amount of
timber on annual basis for agricultural equipments such as
plough, yoke, etc. If someone's house is caught by fire, such a
victimized family will extract some timber as per his needs.
During the time of family separation FUG provided timber to
the families to construct the houses. As observed, some families
of the VDC under study have started to plant timber tree in their
land for future security. There was a tendency to cut down big
trees for the small purpose in 1991. However, cutting dow n the
big trees for agricultural implements was not noticeable in 200 I.
Table 5 Timber consumption with Regard to Caste Ethnic
Group (cu ft)
Caste/ Noof Annual Per Annual Per
Ethnic group HHs Capita of Capita of timber-
Timber- 1991 2001
Rai 10 27.94 12.15
Chhetry 10 27.50 12.95
Magars 10 32.39 10.5
Brahmins 10 22.53 9.0
Tamangs 10 47.92 10.56
Newars 10 63.00 11.59
Damai 10 35.60 7.0
Kami 10 40.00 8.5
Total 80
56 Occasional Papers
study adapting firewood sale as a means of livelihood. There
was high demand of firewood in the district headquarter between
the period of 1970s-1990s. As mentioned above, the population
of the district headquarters increased with the establishment of
regional headquarters in 1970s. However, the process of
firewood sale dramatically decl ined in the mid of 1990s
triggered by different factors. In 1993, most of the government
forests of the adjoining areas were handed over to communities.
Since then, the firewood sellers could not collect firewood
freely. The price of firewood hiked in Dhankuta bazaar. In 1991,
the price of one bundle firewood was not more than Rs. 25. But
price of one bundle firewood went up Rs 70-75 in 1995. Before
1993, it took almost a full day to bring a bundle of firewood up
to one's residence. The next day, early in the morning the same
firewood was carried to Dhankuta bazaar. Thus, to sell one
bundle of firewood needed one and half day's work. After 1993,
one could not supply firewood on regular basis because of the
restriction on community forests. Due to the high price of
firewood the bazaar dwellers started to use alternative source of
energy for cooking such as L.P. gas and Kerosene. The number
of L.P. gas and Kerosene users were hardly I or 2 percent of the
total households at Dhankuta Bazar in 1991. The percentage of
L.P. gas and Kerosene users increased by 60 percent in the end
of 2000. In the time of follow up study in 200 I, the number of
firewood sellers decreased by 70 percent. Therefore, they left
their firewood selling job and directly entered into national,
regional and international labour markets for their survival. The
wood sellers hardly participated in community forestry
management. Because most of them were either landless or
owned a small piece of land. The primary need of such
households is to extract firewood from the forest to sell in the
local market which is disturbed by community forestry.
Similarly, they are skeptical towards the well off families
because they think the benefit coming from the community
forest would go to the well to do families. In this regard,
Agrawal (quoted by Noronha and Spears, 1985: 236) stated that
the poorer farmers and the landless are reluctant to contribute
Binod Pokharel/ Changing Pal/ern afForest... 57
free labour for community projects since they feel the benefits
would go to the few who are well off.
11. Conclusions
The people of Belahara have changed their strategies on
forest consumption pattern since last ten years. Community
forestry and bio-gas programs are the major catalysts of change.
During the period between 1970s to 1990s, several new demands
emerged on local forest resources as a result of outside
intervention. The policies and performance of government
institutions, development of infrastructure and social pressure
affected the people's forest consumption pattern in the study
area. Community forestry program regularized the people's
behaviour on firewood, fodder and timber consumption.
Similarly, government encouraged the locals to install the bio-
gas in subsidy price in the study area. To cope with the scarcity
of forest resources, people developed a set of strategies such as
installation of bio-gas, starting family forest, keeping small
number of livestock on stall-fed basis and changing on roofing
pattern. Similarly, the firewood selling households felt
threatened on their job and switched other type of wage
labourings in regional, national and international level markets.
The land utilization pattern of study area has changed to some
extent. People of the area under study started to plant trees on the
edge of agricultural land and slope area for their future security.
REFERENCES
ADB/HMGIN 1982. Nepal Agricllltllre Sector Strategy Stlldy, Vol. No. II.
Manila
Alternative Energy Promotion Center (AEPC), 2000. Renewable Energy
Perspecfil'e Plan of Nepal, 2000-2020: A Approach, Lalitpur,
epa I.
Bennett, W. John, 1996. Hllman Ecology as Hllman Behaviour, Essays in
Environmental and Development Anthropology, Transaction
Publishers New Brunswick (U.S.A) and London (U.K.)
Beresford- Peirse, Henry, 1976. Foresfly Food alld People, FAO, Rome.
Central Bureau of Statistics, 2002. Report on the Household Consumption
Survey of Rural Nepal 2000-12001, ational Planning
Commission Secretariat HMGfNepal.
58 Occasional Papers
Cernea, M. Micheal, 1985. PUlling People First, Washington DC: World
Bank, 1985.
Chhetry, R.B. and T.R. Pandey, 1992. User Croup Foreslly hI the Far-
western Region ofNepal. Kathmandu ICIMOD.
Dahal, D.R. 1994. A Ret,jew of Forest Users Groups: Case studies from
Eastern Nepal. International Centre for Integrated mountain
Development, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Fricke, Thomas E., 1993. Himalayan Households: Tamong DemogralJpy
and Domestic Processes, Book Faith India, Delhi.
Gilmour D.A. and Fisher, R.J. 1991. Villagers, Fores! and Foresters: The
Philosophy. Process and Pracrice a/Community Foresl in Nepal.
Kathmandu, Sahayogi press.
HMG epal, 1989. Economic SUITey, Ministry of Finance, Kathmandu
lei 00, 1986. Decentrali=ed Energy Planning Managemem in the
Hindukush Himalayas, ICIMOD, Kathmandu
Ministry of Finance HMG/Nepal, 200 I. Economic Survey, Kathmandu.
Noronha, Raynmond and John S. Spears, 1985. "Sociological Variable in
Foresl1y Project" In Michael M. Cernea (ed.) Putting People First
Washington DC, World Bank.
Pokharel, Binod, 1991. Forest Consumption Palfern in Dhankllla M.A.
Dissertation in Anthropology (Unpublished) Submitted to the
Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology, T.U. Kirtipur.
Pokharel, Durga and Anthony B. J. willet, 1996. HistOf)' of an Indigenolls
Community Manageme11l Organi=atioJl in Nepal. Indigenous
Organi=ation and Development (ed.) peter Blunt and D Michael
Warren, Intermediate Technology Publications Ltd. London, UK.
Saussan, J., B.K. Shrestha and L. P. Uprety 1995. The Social Dynamics of
Deforestation: A Case Study from Nepal. Published in the UK
and Europe by the Parthenon Publishing Group Limited Casterton
Hall, earnforth, England.
Stevens, F. Stanley, 1993. Claiming Ihe High Grollnd; Sherpas Subsistence
and Environmental Change in the Highland Himalayan, Motilal
Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, VDC, Record oj
Be/ahara, 200 I.
Wallance, Michael, B. 1988. Research Reporl Series,
WIN ROCK, Kathmandu
Wood and Energy Commission, 1987. Fuelwood Supply in the District of
epaI
STRATEGIES AND PRACTICES OF
ADVOCACY: GENDER ADVOCACY AGAINST
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
IN NEPAL-
Meena Poudel
Youba R. Luintel
1.0 Introduction
Advocacy is an organised and sustained campaign to get
the interest of the marginalised people representcd and addressed
in public policy, attitudes or practices. It is a deliberate,
systematic and organised way of influencing effective
implementation of existing policy, change it or formulate
alternative policies in favour of targeted area/grouplissue. The
goal of advocacy is to challenge the powerful in favour of the
deprived and disadvantaged ones, such as Dalit, ethnic
minorities, landless, women, children and older people.
While there has been a growing body of literature on
empirical cases of trafficking in women, movement against it has
been rarely documented and discussed. This paper attempts to
critically analyse gender advocacy from the light of Social
Relations Approach (SRA), especially from the framework of
Institutional Analysis (IA). We argue that while trafficking in
women has become a lucrative business for profit-making, a
critical analysis of the institutions involved in it and a concerted
Ms. Poudel is a feminist activist and development anthropologist
currently working as Program Representative for Oxfam GS in
Nepal. Mr. Luintel is a sociologist specialising on gender issues and
teaches gender course at Central Depal1ment of
Sociology/Anthropology, Tribhuvan University
60 Occasional Papers M. POl/del & Y.R. Ll/intel/ Strategies and Practices... 61
Box 1: Elements of advocacy
2.2 Steps of Advocacy
On the whole there are four main steps in any advocacy
campaign. They are planning (issues identification; research and
information-base; setting objectives and goals of the campaign;
and, designing strategies); preparing resources (lobbying,
networking and alliance building, and; resources generation);
launching the campaign, and finally; monitoring and
evalnation.
Identify problem(s) First step in any advocacy is to
identify and choose the main problem to advocate for or against
it. An organisation, a group or an individual who wishes to
advocate for gender justice in particular problem should consider
Dynamic leadership
Wider public support
Effective communication
Collaborative partnership
•
•
•
•
the perspectives of the affected COmmUl1ltles. Lobbying
initiatives for policy changes should be firmly grounded in
community based campaigns affected by the issue. Leadership
(of an organisation, a
group or an individual)
with clear political
analysis based on specific
cultural context is very
important to make an
advocacy successful. The
way activities are
organised (or strategies are determined) at various levels and
stages is also very important to make an advocacy effective.
However, activities may change during the course of
implementation. Therefore, it depends entirely up on the given
context including political and cultural sub-contexts. The
advocacy group(s) should aim at building strong and enthusiastic
public support that could influence policy-makers at various
levels. There should be an effective communication system with
different sectors. The organisation or the group that aims to
advocate for social change through gender justice should set up
(a) concrete objectives, (b) attail/able targets, and (c) clear
strategies. Most importantly, groups, organisations and
individuals need to have equal partners with whom they can
share views, values and bel iefs.
2.0 The Notion of Advocacy
The concept of advocacy entered into the NGO sector as
a strategy and a tool to change policies and practices of
institutions and to contribute for lasting social change. Around
1980, a growing number of Gas in the Southern
underdeveloped and Northern developed countries have
intensified their advocacy work in local, national, regional and
global levels to counter the constraints placed on their
development efforts by national, regional and global powers -
the market forces and the state mechanism. Particularly in the
issues of gender, NGOs and women's movements in national and
global levels have intensified their advocacy after the Third
World Conference on Women in 1985.
Advocacy is the speaking up about a problem or an issue
in the relevant political arena in order to improve the situation
for those affected by that particular problem. It is an essential
part of the most of NGOs and human rights groups who aim to
bring about vital social changes. It is a process of widening
support through networking and alliance building in order to
bring changes in the policies. An advocacy campaign is a set of
targeted actions in support of particular cause. A base of any
advocacy is essentially a common issue.
In advocacy, Gas play critical role to change policies
and practices at different levels. NGOs claim themselves as
ambassador of the poor, socially excluded, and discriminated due
to their specific class, gender, age and ethnic identities. Political
dimension of poverty, powerlessness and suffering is the major
area of concern of any advocacy.
2.1 Elements of Advocacy
There should be a clear understanding of the political
culture and effective ways of bringing about policy changes in
that cultural context. The agenda of the changes should reflect
effort against them would definitely yield some results.
Referring to the case of anti-trafficking campaign in Nepal, we
attempt to introduce the notion of advocacy in general and
gender advocacy ill particular.
Box 2: Forms of Alliance Building
• Lobbving is one of the strategies to slrengthl.::l1
advocacy process. which aims (0 bring policy
and practice change in particular. issue.
• etworking refers to both format and informal
communication between individuals and
agencies working on similar issue. Network is
usually developed and maintained by keeping
regular contact with the agencies or people
who are interested on issues agreed.
• Coalition refers to a mechanism to build a
network between existing agencies where the
organisations! agencies become members
either temporally or for a longer period.
Though the coalition works on a common
concern. each organisation retains its own
background. thus giving space for ditferenccs
and open discussion.
62 Occasional Papers
some key questions, such as: Is the problem really related to the
women's rights issue? Does the problem educate a wider
community and help them bring in support? Will the problem
contribute to strengthen gender justice? Will this help expand the
scope of state responsibilities? To what extent does the problem
address women's practical gender needs (PGNs) and strategic
gender interests (SGls)?
Do research and identify critical issnes: Next step, for
any advocacy groups or individuals, is to identify key and
critical issues within the problem. Some pertinent questions
could be: What is the nature of injustice? How can the injustice
be proved? Are there documented cases against it? Who are the
violators or perpetrators? Which social institutions (the family,
community, market or state) are found to be directly (or
indirectly) responsible for that particular problem? Which legal
tools help confirm the injustice or violation? Which international
human rights standards has the state ratified? Is there any
possibility of linking the issue with those human rights
standards? What is the possibility of satisfactory solutions to be
expected at local, national, regional and international levels? Do
the public understand the issue? Is there any possibility of
mobil ising wider public to generate awareness and gain support?
Set objectives and demands: This step is very critical
for the ones who wish to contribute in the process of advocacy. It
basically deals with What advocacy organisations or individuals
want to achieve. Some key questions to be addressed are: What
is the possibility of success of the advocacy issue? Which aspect
of advocacy issue needs to be focussed? Is it possible to monitor
some mid-term or final objectives? Does the issue have some
positive impact on gender relations" ith respect to class, caste
and religion? These are some examples to set out clear advocacy
objective(s).
Design strategies: In order to achieve the set objectives,
the advocacy groups or networks should set their strategies very
clearly. Strategies should be devised in such a way that it could
constructively influence the existing policies and practices at its
M. Poudel & YR. Luinrel/ Strmegies alld Practices... 63
different levels. The larger political context of the issue should
also be considered while setting the strategies. The strategies
should be such that the advocacy should help enlarge its allies
gain wider support and single out the opponents. There are man;
ways to formulate strategies which, however, depend heavily on
local contexts. Ethnicity, class and religion are some major
factors that shape the local context of advocacy in relation to
gender. Sociological literature suggests that women from ethnic
minority group, non-Hindu background and economically lower
strata enjoy relative autonomy and freedom than women from
caste groups, middle or high class strata and Hindu background.
In such a context, gender advocacy strategies should address
these realities first. On the whole, gender advocacy should
constantly challenge the patriarchal ideologies and practices in
every stage.
Nctworking and alliance building: Advocacy is a
complex task with full of challenges, political, social and
ideological. It is much more difficult in societies like epalthat
are predom inantly
feudal and
patriarchal. The
advocacy groups,
therefore, should
enlarge their
partnership and
networks to gain
wider support
from the public. If
necessary, the
campaigners
should build their
own alliance or
mobilise the
existing ones to
make the issue
effective and
vibrant. Since
64 Occasional Papers
advocacy is more a collaborative action, single and isolated
efforts are highly likely to be less effective. Some relevant
questions to be addressed are: Who are the potential allies and
opponents for gender justice? Where are they located, in which
level (vertically and horizontally)? Who are the main targets and
where are they located? What can be the role of media to
sensitise the public? How can the opponents be neutralized?
Generate resources: A reserve of flexible resources
(human, material and financial) is very essential for a successful
advocaGY campaign. First, mature, articulate and politically clear
human resource is crucial to carry out the critical analysis of the
agenda. We need to analyse the political economy of the agenda
critically and identify potential cultural barriers (implicit or
explicit) that might impede women's rights issues from entering
into public discourse. Second, a stock of literature and
publication with clear political position is essential to further
advocacy campaign effectively. Also we need other tools and
equipment to sustain the campaign. Third, availability of a
reserve of loose and flexible financial resources is very crucial.
In course of advocacy campaign, onen we need to change our
strategy and alliance frequently to respond to the changing
circumstance(s). There may be many hurdles to work with the
project-based and pre-allocated budget. Therefore, availability of
flexible funding that could be utilized beyond project boundary,
on quick and circumstance-driven decisions, is very much
essential.
Action and implementation: If there are clear
objectives, strategies and monitoring mechanism, we can start
implementing the action plan. Action plan should have clear
linkages, vertically and horizontally, to bring wider impact on
policies and attitudes. Action plan needs to be flexible, since we
cannot work with same plan in all circumstances. It should be
very clear who is in charge of implementing particular part of the
action plan, ensuring that his/her political vision does not
contradict with the set objectives and strategies. There should not
be any "gap of understanding" between those who designed the
M. Poudel & Y.R. Luin/e1/ Strategies and Praclices.. 65
campaign and those who implement it.' Finally, field reality
(social structure, cultural differences and religious beliefs of the
stakeholders, their ethnic/caste and gender dynamics, etc.)
should be given utmost consideration before actually initiating
the campaign.
Monitoring and evaluation: While evaluating
advocacy, we usually focus on shOlt-term outcomes and long-
term impact against the stated objectives. Some key questions
are: What is the state of progress on objectives and goals? To
what extent are the strategies effective to achieve those
objectives? Are the plans working well? Are they practical in the
given context? What has been the final outcome and impact with
respect to gender relations between women and men (with
respect to PGNs and SGls)? To what extent have social
institutions become sensitive in protecting the rights of women
along with their male counterparts? Has the slate formulated any
gender redistributive policies? And finally, was the issue chosen
for gender advocacy really suitable and relevant?
There should be a clear, locally adaptable, and culturally
and politically sensitive mechanism to monitor gender advocacy
There are many cases of gender issues being evaporated. For
example, the National Network against Girls Trafficking (NNAGT),
one of two leading advocacy groups in Nepal that deals with the
issues of women in trafficking appears completely different in
operational level than its claim of following human rights approach.
NNAGT is clearly following welfare approach. The Alliance
against Trafficking in Women and Children (AATWIN), another
advocacy group, has the problem of diversity. Many of its member
organizations deal with the issue but on their own way. Thus, the
challenge to both NNAGT and AATWIN is translaling the
originally envisaged vision, strategy and programs in the practice.
Even some of the United Nations agencies in Nepal do not precisely
follow United Nations human rights principles while implementing
their programs. The UN Task Force on Trafficking and its Joint
Initiatives on Trafficking (lIT) project, for example, have
considerable deviation from UN~s international1y recognized human
rights standards to deal with the trafficked persons.
66 Occasional Papers M. Pal/del & Y.R. Lllintel/ Stralegies and Practices... 67
Box 3: Gender Analvsis
• Gender relations are social relations
between men and women that create
and sustain systematic diflercnces in
positioning of both sexes in society.
Gender rdations arc context specific in
terms of class. race and ethnicily.
Gender rclalions arc. therefore. social
relations at large.
• Gender analysis is to explore the
relations between women and lllen in
specific context and inequalities in
those relations. It seeks ways to bring
about l11or~ balanced (pom,;r) rdmiolls
between both sexes.
3.1 Framework of Analysis for Gender Advocacy
Advocacy as a process encompasses many activities. For
gender advocacy, for example, some or all of the following
activities or a combination (of few) could be devised. Possible
activities include, among others:
(a) identification ofa ,------------~
particular issue,
(b) access to and
collection of
relevant information,
(c) media campaign,
(d) awareness
campaign,
(e) mass mobilisation
and/or
demonstration,
(I) lobbying, coalition
building or
networking,
(g) civil disobedience,
(h) litigation,
(i) influencing policy decision and discussion at the local-
level governance units, and
UJ influencing parliamentary discussions.
Currently there are more than half a dozen of
internationally recognised frameworks to analyse gender
relations and develop gender advocacy plan. Those are Social
Relations Approach (SRA), Gender Analytical Framework
(GAM), Women's Empowerment Framework (WEF), Moser
Framework, Harvard Analytical Framework and Capacities and
Vulnerabilities Analytical Framework (CVA), etc. Experience
has shown that each of the frameworks needs specification and
local adaptation. Using any framework must not ignore cultural
differences. Difficulties often arise while translating their key
terms used. It is so while linking the local context and local case
(which reflect the reality of individual location) with the globally
applicable framework. It's a challenge of micro-macro linkages.
campaign. Since gender advocacy mostly includes qualitative
issues, such as change in attitude, behaviour, policy and practice,
etc. quantitative indicators often do not reflect the success, effect
and magnitude of the outcomes. Selection of proper indicators is,
therefore, very crucial in gender advocacy. Developing
qualitative indicator(s) to monitor change in attitude, practice
and belief is more complicated than ·monitoring policy change.
Policy change as a matter of fact is visible (therefore, less
challenging) than attitudinal and behavioural changes. Change in
attitude and behaviour is not only a time-consuming and slow
process but also invisible.
Due to the temptation of finding "visible outcomes,"
monitoring and evaluation of (gender) advocacy might pose two
dangers. First, there is danger of moving beyond the set
objectives and agreed principles of the campaign. Second, there
is equally high possibility of arriving at spurious conclusion that
the campaign could not generate any success outcomes (due
largely to their invisibility).
3.0 Gender Advocacy
Gender concerns reflect a shift of focus in development
policy and programme from the welfare to the equity, the
efficiency and finally the empowerment approach. Such
approaches are also seen to coexist, either as single policies of
particular state institutions or mixed and matched within an
organisation. But there is often hope for coherence.
Most importantly, the distinction made is between two
policy perspectives: WID (women in development) and GAD
(gender and development). The WID approach aims to include
women in development programme in order to make them
efficient, while GAD aims to address inequalities in women's
and men's social roles in relation to development. As one of the
recent development debates all over the world the latter was
largely shaped in course of women's movements and demands
for the inclusion of gender issues in the development process.
68 Occasional Papers
Here, we will try to describe SRA as an example to show
how this framework helps us in gender advocacy campaign in
specific circumstance. Naila Kabeer, at the Institute of
Development Studies, University of Sussex, developed SRA and
has widely been used by NGOs, advocacy groups and donor
communities. SRA analyses gender relations in relation to social
institutions involved and perceives gender relations as part or
reflection of social relations. In this sense, SRA is a tool to
analyse gender inequality in the distribution of resources,
responsibilities and power. Theoretically, SRA is more inclined
towards socialist feminist school of thought. The pomt of
departure of SRA is its perception that the ultimate goal of
development should be human well-being. The concepts of
social relations and institutional analysis are centrally located 111
the framework of SRA. SRA has two major uses so far as gender
is concerned. First, it is a method of analysing existing gender
inequalities with respect to distribution of resources,
responsibilities and power. Second, SRA helps desigll gender
policies, advocacy plan and programmes to enable women to be
the active agent of their own development and Justice.
For SRA, development is all about increasing human
well-being, which can be seen as concerned to the survival,
security and autonomy of human being. Social secunty and
autonomy are closely linked to gender, ethnic, ca~te and racial
dimensions of discrimination. The concept of social relation IS
central to the framework of SRA. Social relations are different
structural relationships that create and reproduce systemic
differences in the positioning of different groups of people.
Gender relations refer specifically to those dimenSions of social
relations that create and reproduce differences in the positioning
of men and women.
In a patriarchal society like ours, gender relations accord
men than women a better privilege and opportul1lty to socIal
roles material resources and political power. Social relations can
also be seen as resources that groups and individuals have, and
these social resources often playa crucial role in the survival of
people living in poverty, distress and powerlessness.
M. Poudel & YR. Luintell Strategies and Practices... 69
Below, an attempt has been made to apply one important
element of SRA, the institutional analysis, on gender advocacy
111 epal, referring to trafficking in women as a case.
3.2 Institutional Analysis of Gender Advocacy
An institution refers to a framework of rules for
achieving certain social, political and economic goals (Kabeer,
1996). Institutions reinforce and reproduce patterns of social
relations and thereby create and perpetuate social differences and
social inequalities. Organisations, in the other hand, are the
specific structural forms that institutions take. An institution
operates with official ideologies shaped by its set goals and
procedures.
Under the framework of Institutional Analysis (IA),
gender advocacy requires analysing how these institutions and
organisations actually create and reproduce gender inequalities
in society. For understanding an institution it is necessary to
analyse the rules, resources, practices, people and
power/hierarchies of command and control in order to uncover
how gender is constituted as relations of inequal ity. IA as a
framework of analysis draws attention to the way gender is
constructed as relations of inequality reinforced by the rules and
practices of different institutions, both separately and through
their interaction. IA identifies four institutional locations for the
analysis: the state, the market, the community and the household.
An IA makes it clear how gender is constructed in different
levels and terrain of social relations.
While applying IA in the case of trafficking in women in
Nepal, first we have to set clear and precise objective(s). One
possible objective could be to identify social institutions and
locate their role in the criminal business of trafficking. If we
really identify all the institutions involved and explore their
existing or potential roles, it would help us in strategizing
ourselves to single out the enemies against whom we have to
fight, and allies with whom we could collaborate in achieving
the common goals. Table I shows tiers of institutions involved
70 Occasional Papers M POlldel & YR. Lllintell Strategies and Practices... 71
operation
and their organizational and structural location in the criminal
business of trafficking.
Table 1: Institutions in different domains of women and men
relationships
Box 4: Timeline of Govel'nment
Initiatives
1997 Ministry of Women and Social Welfare
for~ls a national Task Force to dran
na!lonal plans and policies.
1997 A two-year ~grecm~nt bt;twe~n Ministry of
Women, Children and Social Welfare and
fLO for a program against tralTicking in
women.
1998 Ministry of Home and UNICEF enlered
into an agrct:mt:nt to train and mobilize
po/ice force in awareness raising lor and
prevention oflralTickine. in women
1999 J-IMG approves Nati~na/ Plan or Action
against lraffid,ing in womell.
Although
Nepal has signed
almost all
international
Similarly, the bill on violence against women does not reflect
e~al's international commitments, such as Beijing Platform for
Action, and UN Human Rights principles, although Nepal has
ratified both. Regarding women's property rights bill, the
government passed it from the parliament, but aoain without
substantial improvements in the existing legal discrimination. Now
gender activists have clear tow positions in it: (a) the welfare-
instruments,
including
CEDA W, Beijing
Platform for
Action, and
trafficking
convention and
protocol, still the
state seems always
reluctant so far as
their
implementation is concemed. Legal institutions such as Ministry
of Law, Laws Reform Commission. Courts and Bar Associations
are overtly patriarchal and conservative, heavily dominated by
middle class men from higher castes. Law enforcing bodies such
as Nepal Police, Armed Police and Royal Nepal Army too are
not exceptIon to this. It is very hard and embarrassing for a
trafficked woman (and her family) to go through the official
legal process and get justice. One typical example is the
parliament and the bills related to trafficking control and
violence against women, and, of course, the eleventh amendment
of civil code popularly known as wOll1e,,'s righlS bill.
The anti-trafficking bill has been overtly victim-centred
and does not even touch upon the criminal part of trafficking.'
Motives
National
welfare
Service and
moral
Altruism
and co-
InstitutionsLevel
Market
State
Household
Legal bodies, administrative
organisations, ministries, village and
district development committees and
departments.
Recruiting agencies, employment Profit
generating agencies, media, factories, maximisation
industries, distribution network, e.g.
brothels.
Community Villages, communities, social norms,
informal networks, political panies,
religious institutions, NGOslCBOs, economy
patron-c1iem relationship.
Families, lineage groups, etc.
The state is supposed to take the responsibility for those
who are at risk of trafficking. Usually, state has holds a
conservative attitude while dealing with such issues.
Consequently it is almost difficult to get flavour of human
perspective towards women in terms of recognising their
autonomy and independence, An anti-trafficking law in Nepal,
for example, is much more victim-centred thus ignores crime
part where mostly men are located. Before 1990, trafficking was
not even recognised as a problem by the state. ow, trafficking
has been accepted as a problem but still as one of women's
problems. Gender advocacy groups had very hard time to
convince the government that it is not a problem of women only,
but a national problem.
72 Occasional Papers M. Pal/del & YR. Ll/intell Strategies and Practices... 73
Box 5: Case Studv
Ms. Radha (a traflicked survivor. nicknamed) was
"'cpt in custody for about two years ( 1988-1990) in
Kathmandu. When she gOI IIIV pOSitive, the
brothels in India (where sht: was kept as captive)
first ousted her. She was also not allowed to Slay in
her society and family back in Nepal. Eventually.
she was taken to custody. After the restoration of
democracy in 1990. the interim government
released her from the custody and olTc;ed a lowly
paid job under the Ministry of Health. However,
allcr one year she was disposed frolll the service on
the charge of HIV positive (for which cause she
was given employment earlier). An NGO working
for the cause of women at risk then picked up her
and offered a job at its office as a token of
sympathy. She served there fbI' t\\O years (1992-
1994). Due to an increasing gap between
employer's normal job expectation and her
weakening health, she was eventually lorced to
resign. She is still alive and maintaining her life on
hcr own within the triangle of social rejection. state
repression and civil society disposal.
On the whole, rather than protecting women's rights and
allowing them to exercise their freedom, market forces promote
women's trafficking for their economic benefits. Before the
government
started issuing
licence to
recruitment
agencies,
trafficking used
to happen with
few women and
was confined
within South
Asia only. When
agencies were
allowed to
operate their
business,
trafficking
started ina mass
scale and the
market extended
beyond Asia. For
example, groups of brokers of recruitment agencies visit districts
these days and attempt to lure as much women as possible for
unknown jobs'
The National Plan of Action against trafficking in women and
children for commercial sexual exploitation, for example, is
indicative itself to see how far is it victim-centered. Of the six
main areas identified, none of them attempts towards controlling
the perpetrators effectively. The six working areas identified are
(I) policy, research and institutional development; (2) legislation
and enforcement; (3) awareness creation, advocacy, networking
and social mobilization; (4) health and education; (5) income and
employment generation, and; (6) rescue and reintegration (see
Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare, 2000).
The same applies to the SAARC Convention to combat
trafficking. Since 1996, gender activists of the SAARC countries
were asking collectively that trafficking issue be accepted
officially into the SAARC process. Although the Kathmandu
(Eleventh) Summit (2002) formally approved the convention', it
did not include activists' demand that trafficking issue be looked
from rights-based approach.
After the escalation of liberal economic policies in
Nepal, market has become stronger than the state mechanism in
relation to trafficking. Licensing of the recruiting agencies (that
does not include human cost), migration policies (which are
gender-blind) and the media (which have capitalistic orientation)
are some examples of how market as a social institution plays
crucial role in trafficking.
centred activists support the bill, (b) while those following the
human rights principles have many reservations and disagreements
on what has been passed. The implication is that the state has
failed to prosecute the perpetrators and thereby to protect the rights
of the affected women and their families.
While the Male (Ninth) Summit (1997) had accepted the issue for
its consideration, it was the Colombo (Tenth) Summit (1998) that
endorsed the draft for final consideration.
For example, couple of months ago one such group including some
local persons visited Sindhupalchowk and Rupandehi districts in a
similar purpose and succeeded to persuade some 29 girls and
women. These brokers neither had any official document nor had
any reliable paper ofjobs offer. Of the total 29 women taroeted 18
" ,
were Tamang and the rest Tharu by their ethnic belonging.
F0I1unately, some local Gas and the concerned families found
th~m doubtful and managed 10 save the girls and women from
bemg trafficked.
74 Occasional Papers
Before 1995, Nepali media too tended to expose
trafficked women negatively which used to disclose the identity
of the victims and heightened their social stigma. With the
continued advocacy of feminist groups and NGOs alike,
however, the role of Nepali media seems to have been improved
recently. Still, there is a long way to go to make the market
sensitive to gender issues in relation to trafficking.
Community and civil society too are making trafficking
issue much more complex due mainly to two rcasons. First, the
service delivery mechanism of the society is much more inclined
to welfare approach. Second, the tendency ofNGOs preferring to
work in certain territory (only) has created problems of co-
ordination and sharing. Most of the NGOs are covertly
patriarchal. Furthermore, they arc politically less matured also,
thus lack conceptual clarity on the issue.
From the grassroots to the international level, gender
advocacy against trafficking in women has revealed two clear
positions, viz., (a) the conventional and orthodox "~elfare
approach," and (b) the liberal and empowerment-centred nghts-
based approach." The followers of thc welfare approach hold
moralistic position and adopt repressive strategies. For II1stance,
it attcmpts to restrict women's mobility in public places and
gives stress on rehabilitation of those women who are already
victims. Unlike it, the proponents of human nghts approach
advocate for autonomy and fundamental rights of women while
addressino the issue of trafficking. They attempt to incorporate
~ . .
empowerment strategies as an integral part ofthe'r campa'gn.
This is how both NGOs and advocacy groups are divided in two
clear fronts for anti-trafficking campaign. Due to the division of
civil society like this, there has been a lack of consolidated and
concerted effort. Directly or indirectly, it has allowed the market
and the state mechanisms not assuming their responsibilities
effectively.
Households are the main location of care and affection
of family members. But patriarchal power relations within the
family and the discriminatory social norms and morals towards
women have added vulnerability to women. In relation to
M. Poudel & Y.R. LUintel/ Strategies and Prac/ices... 75
trafficking, while market creates a negative image of women, the
community formulates patriarchal values, and the family rejects a
woman once she is trafficked. In epalese context, it is almost
impossible for a woman to be normally accepted within her family
once she is trafficked. There are many cases of women suffering
repeatedly because of the family rejecting them. In some few cases
where the family is willing to accept her, the wider community
(primarily, either kin and/or the neighbourhood groups) discourages
and ridicules on the family itself.
4,0 Conclusion
Each individual, both male and female, lives amidst the
web of social relationships. An analysis of social relations,
therefore, occupies a central position in Social Relations Approach
(SRA). Recognising gender as a form of social relations, the SRA
focuses on connectedness and embeddedness of relationship
between women and men. Gender relations are considered as
relations of inequality due largely to the discriminatory rules and
practices of different institutions. In such a systemic situation
gender relations are connected to other systems in society of which
power is one important concept. Power has been at the centre of
SRA approach as well, also because power needs constant debate
and continuous challenge for making the society equity-based.
Advocacy is a campaign launched on the part of civil
society actors that aims at influencing public decision-making for
the benefit of relatively marginalized section of society. Gender
advocacy in particular is also the same process with primary
attention towards making relations between women and men more
equity-based. Since women are often in disadvantaged position,
gender advocacy focuses on empowering them vis-a-vis their male
counterparts. Building women's (or mixed) alliances and
networking is one of the main activities of feminist advocacy
campaign.
As a country of periphery, Nepalese women and girls are
trafficked to the countries of semi-periphery or core status. With the
growing incidence of trade on human body, especially that of
trafficking in women, a vibrant advocacy campaign has also
emerged in Nepal very recently. While Indian brothels have been
76 Occasional Papers
the main destination, recently trafficking business has also extended
its hands up to gulf and some East Asian countries. This paper
shows that gender advocacy like any other advocacy campaigns is a
systematic body of activities, each linked to other logically and
aimed at achieving the set goals or objectives. It shows that
identifying the actors involved, their location and linkage in the tier
of social institutions and identification of potential enemies and
allies would greatly help achieve the target. In this process, IA
could be one important tool that gender advocates could apply.
Both the authors would like to acknowledge frequent
consultation of Fenella Porter, Ines Smyth and Caroline Sweetman
(1999), Global Alliance against Trafficking in Women (1999), Jo
Rowlands (1997), Ministry of Women and Social Welfare (1999
and 2000 BS), C. Moser (1993), N. Kabeer (1996), and Oxfam GB
Nepal Program (2000).
REFERE CES
Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (1999) Hllman Righi.,·
in Practice: A Guidebook to Assisf Trafficked Women and
Children, Bangkok: GAATIW.
Kabeer, aila (1996) Reversed Realilies: Gender Hierarchies in
Development Thought. New Delhi: Kali for Women.
Ministry of Women and Social Welfare (1999), Beijing PillS Five.
COllnlly Report, Kathmandu: HMGfN.
Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare (2000), Combat
Against Trafficking in Women and Children for Commercial
Sexual Exploitation: Policy, Action Plan and Insffllllfona!
Mechanism, Kathmandu: HMGfN.
Moser, Caroline (1993), Gender Planning and Development: TheOlY·
Practice and Training, New York: Routledge.
Oxfam GB Nepal Program (2000), "Trafficking in women in South
Asia: An organised crime against women" (A study conducted
and submined to UN special rappol1uer on violence against
women).
Porter, Fenella, Ines Smyth and Caroline Sweetman (1999) Gender
Works: Oxfam Experience in Policy and Practice, an Oxfam
publication, Oxford.
Rowlands, J. (1997) Questioning Empowerment: Working with Women
in Honduras, an Oxfam publication, Oxford.
THE POSITION OF DALIT WOMEN IN
CASTE SYSTEM
Samira Luitel"
Background
Ottt of the 22 million population of the country it is
estimated that the total population of Dalils is 20% (CERID,
1997) of which female Dalils occupy half of that population.
Except for a few, the total segment of this population leads a
miserable life. Socially discarded for a long time, they are
compelled to live a vulnerable life be it economic, educalion,
health and all the other areas thai fall under basic needs. The
word Dalil itself connotes the lowest strata of the society in all
the aspects, a term which is condemnable itself. One has to go
back to its history to understand the situation of the Dali/s. Based
on the Hindu caste system the total social system is divided into
hierarchies since long, where people are divided into various
caste and ethnic groups. In this background the position of Dcdit
women is one of the lowest from all these aspects.
The major caste groups as stated in the religion are four -
Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra. Sudra which was placed
at the boltom of the ladder in the caste hierarchies is termed as
Dalil these days which is the untouchable groups in the sociely.
Besides the caste groups, there are about 60 ethnic groups
(CERID, 1997) in the country. No caste discrimination is found
in the ethnic groups except in the Newars. Outlawed in the year
1963 itself, without no strong action against it, the practice of
untouchability still exists in all parts of the country. As it has not
Dr. Samira Luilel is the Lecturer in Sociology at the Cenlral Department of
Sociology and Anthropology, Tribhuvan University. Kirtipur. Kathmandu.
78 Occasional Papers
been totally abandoned and punishcd by the government, Dalils
are still prohibited to use the public facilities SUC't as water taps,
schools, malic/irs, restaurants, hotels, etc. There have been cases
where Dcdil women have been beaten by the upper caste women
while filling their water jars from the public tap. Even the Dalil
men are punished for not washing the glass of tea in the
restaurants. Several cases of insult and humiliation occur with
the Dalils which go unnoticed" hen there is no strong channel to
hear their voices. Dcdil women on the other hand have to bear
both the social humiliation and male domination in the family.
The Dalils have been the victim of psychological and physical
violence from the upper caste groups be it the caste or ethnic
groups who are supposed to be superior to them. Various Dcdil
organisations, INGOs and NGOs are working hard to raise the
condition of Dalils by bringing awareness among the people but
withollt a strong support frolll the government mechanism and a
supportive attitude from the people il is very difficult to change
the situation. Among the Dalils also there are several types who
also practice social hierarchies as upper and lower caste groups.
The Dalils can be divided into three types - hill Dalils,
e.g. Kami. Damai, Sarki~ Tarai Dalits e.g. Musahar, Chama!',
Dusadh, Khatwe, Tatma and Dom; the Dalils among the Newars
of the valley e.g. Chyame, Pode, Kasai, etc. All these people
share almost the same social discrimination from the upper caste
groups. There is also discrimination among these groups who
practice untouchability among themselves as superior and
inferior groups. So it is not only one category of untouchability
to address but the total context of the systcm to bring change and
transformation in the society.
Status of DaHt Women
In the total context of the country. the status of women
of Nepal itself shows that the condition of women is far behind
men in all respects and the condition of Dalil women is worst
compared to others. The vulnerability of Dalil women as
depicted by a epali writer can be taken as an example on how
these women are oppressed in the total social and family context.
In her story of A Naikape Sarkilli, Parijat has well described the
Semira Lui/ell The Positioll 01Dcdit... 79
story of a low caste woman who has to earn her living by
digging sand in the Bagmati river, in Kathmandu valley. The
story goes like this -
. The woman works so hard digging the sand in Bagmati
nver durmg the cold and chill winter of Kathmandu. During that
cold winter she has wrapped herself in a thin saree and a blouse
without proper winter clothes. She returns home after she
finishes the work at 4 O'clock in the evening which is almost
dark during the winter time. She then begins to cook the evening
meal and waits for her drunken husband to come home from
playing cards, which is his daily job. Her husband who is
disabled cannot help her in anything even giving the physical
comfort, but assaults her with bitter words and gets satisfied as
bell1g.a man. He comes to the pali (shelter for the homeless)with
all hiS frustration, inferiority complex and defeat which
automatically comes in his words. He still demands the money
she earned by her hard work as his right, to drink alcohol which
she cannot protect without a proper place to hide. After
completing all the household chores she sleeps in her wei
clothes, that is all she has to wear. "She is as cold as the sand of
Bagmati, being deprived by everything". She is already turned to
her old age in her middle age. She can ncither revolt nor fight
against this injustice.
This is a typical story described by the writer which
represents the condition of majority of the Dcdil women's life.
They have to live a miserable life be it social economic
educational, legal and others. All these aspects of DCdil women'~
lives have been presented separately as follows.
Social status
Some of the sociologists describe that the slatus of Dalil
women is better than that of the high caste women as both the
men and women share the same work. So there are not so many
rules that create gender discrimination in the low caste groups
(Bennett, 1981). But so far as the social stallis is concerned
Dalil women have been doubly victimised, being "omen and
untouchables. Often times they have 10 face humiliation and
psychological depn:ssion while using the public spaces e.g.
water sources, entenng mane/irs and others. Besides that, When
80 Occasional Papers
they have to survive on the mercy of the upper caste groups they
need to provide various services that are low paid and risky. In
the labour force also, if there are untouchables, they are
segregated while serving food. They need to stay away from the
so called upper caste people of the same economic status while
eating. Such practices have not been changed much from
education and legal sanctions. A Chamar woman however is the
most needed person during the time of delivery. She attends the
birth and does all the required works as a doctor yet she is not
allowed to enter the house. A certain amount of wage is given
either in cash or in kind as the fees, which the person using her
service can afford.
Do/it women are often found to be the victims of
illegitimate sexual relationships. If they have such relationships
with the higher caste men, they are not accepted in their family.
In such cases they have to lead a miserable life. On the other
hand there are some groups in which women are indulged in
prostitution as their profession. The Badi women are indulged in
sex trade from the very young age which is a big source of
earning to the family. Men of the family work as the dealers for
their trade. Many Do/it women also have become the victims of
girl traffickers being ignorant of all these activities. Having no
other source of income, Dalil women are compelled to adopt
such illegal and odious occupation for being destitues in the
sociery.
Economic
Most of the Dalils have no land and no other regular
source of income. Those who are the occupational groups
especially in the rural areas, get a fixed wage. For example a
tailor will sew the clothes mostly during the Dasai or during
rainy season when people usually sew new clothes. The
blacksmith will make tools or sharpen them at the same time of
the season when they are in use. Women share hands with their
male in these activities. For this purpose they are given a certain
amount of food grains fTOm the families where they work
seasonally, as most of the farmers also don't have their regular
income. This allowance is not sufficient if there are more family
Samira Luilell The Pasilion ofDa/il.. 81
members to feed. In such cases they live in hand to mouth
situation. So, they are compelled to take whatever job is
available for them. Those who don't work as fixed labour still
have difficulty to survive as there is no job in the rural areas. In
such cases they become the victims of low wages of their
arduous jobs as they have to take whatever job is availablejust to
survive. Women will be the victims of such cases as they are not
the skilled labourers.
Due to illiteracy and lack of awareness men mostly
spend their income in alcohol. Even the little food grains is used
in preparing alcohol rather used as staple food. Women have to
work hard in case of alcoholic husband to feed their children and
take other household works. They also get continuous mental
and physical torture from the drunken husband. Such households
face all the hardships leading to a condition of destitute. A Dalil
woman is the one to bear all the problems associated with these
hardships. She may even leave the house and become victim of
other social evils due to her own ignorance having no other
alternative to survive.
Terai Dalits still lead a miserable life than the hill Dalils.
Most of the Da/ils in the Tarai own no land of their own. They
mostly live in the land of others, so they have to adjust in a
limited space that is available for them. It is found that majority
of them have just a small house to live in. The whole family have
to adjust in that little space. They also keep birds and animals in
the same house - chicken, duck, pig, goat, cow to add their
income. Without space and proper food to feed they cannot rare
the animals in proper way rather add up additional burden. This
burden also falls on the shoulder of the women as the males have
to go for wage earning. The women thus are never free from the
household chores without proper food to eat and dress to wear. A
Do/it woman leads a life worse than that of an animal full of
scarcity throughout her life.
Health
The health condition depends on various factors -
economy, sanitation, education, health facilities, and other
available and affordable resources. Most of the Da/ils live in
82 Occasional Papers
filthy areas and poor sanitation condition. Most of them even do
not have access to pure drinking water facility. The health
condition of Da/its is the 10\\ est due to all the cumulative factors,
low calorie intake and use of stale food, unhygenic labour work,
poor living condition, heavy work load, ignorance, etc. They are
the ones who suffer mostly from the infectious, and waterborne
diseases. The most common diseases are skin diseases, bacterial
and viral infections, gastro-intestinal diseases, worms and others.
Most of the Dalil children are severely malnourished due to food
deficiency and low calorie intake. Women are the victims of all
these hazards as they have to look after all the sick and diseased
people in addition to her houldhold burden. She ignores her
health to provide service to others and cuts short her life span.
Due to various health problems Da/ils have a short life
span. There is also a high death rate among the children below 5
years. Due to this reason women are compelled to give birth to
many children so that a few children could survive. Maternal and
infant mortality rate which is quite high in the country itself, is
the highest among the Dalils. When there is no health facility
they are compelled to depend on the faith healers, traditional
birth attendants and locally available medicines at the time of
illness and delivery. They rush to the hospital only in the case of
emergency otherwise they survive in the mercy of the almighty.
Women face the problem of anaemia, uterus prolapse and other
gynaecological problems as they do not get good care and good
food during pregnancy and lactation.
The case of Dalil women is even severe if they are
indulged in sex trade. The statistics show that quite a large
number of Dedil women have adopted this profession. The Badi
women are well known for such activities. Apart from this, girls
from these communities are also trafficked in the very young
age. All these factors have caused women to suffer from the
problems of HIV/AIDS.
Education
History tells that Dalils were not allowed to attain
knowledge as they were the service providing groups. Women in
particular, even in the upper-caste groups were prohibited for
SOli/ira LlIilel/ The Posilion ojDalil... 83
gaining knowledge. Where women of upper castes were some
how benefited by their men, the Dalil women were prohibited
from such opportunity also. So they lived in complete ignorance.
This in total, affected the Dalil community. They even didn't feel
the need of education for their children due to all the cumulative
factors. Although the opportunity for schooling was opened for
all since 1950 only in the country itself, the social and economic
situation did not allow to do so for the Dalils. The situation for
Women of all groups did not change much due to the religious
orthodoxy, so both the women and the Dalils have been left
behind from the educational 0ppoI1unities. The Dalil women
hold the lowest status in education being doubly exploited as
Dalil and women. A study (CERID, 1997) shows that the
literacy percentage of Dalils is below 10% and that of Dalil
women is below 5%. The enrolment of Dalil chi ldren at the
primary level is negligible.
Schools in most pal1 of the country do not treat the Dedil
children equally. They are kept away from other children in the
class room, are not allowed to drink water from the same pot, or
eat food with other children. Most of the Dalil children are not
attended properly by the teachers in schools so they cannot
perform well in their studies and dropout even at grade I. There
are ample of stories told by the educated Dalils about the
humiliating situations they had to face during the time of their
schooling. People did not rent their houses when they knew that
they were the untouchable castes. Even the friends kept seclusion
from them to avoid the societal encroachment.
The other fact is that due to povel1y they do not get
sufficient food to eat at home and cannot stay in the school for
long. When they become older to share hands with parents they
are withdrawn from the school due to the necessity of survival.
Girls are the most vulnerable groups among the Dalils also, as
son preference is practised there too.
There are few Dalils who have received graduates 01'
above degree, and women can be counted in fingers. The
educated also have not got job opportunity which has brought
frustration among them.
84 Occasional Papers
Employment
Only about 8% of the total population is engaged in the
productive work and the rest is engaged in agricultural works.
When there are fewer job opportunities for the younger
oeneration in the country there is very little or no job opportunity
"for the Dalils being educationally left behind and having none of
their people in power. Only a few Do/its who have received
higher level of education also have not been able to join the
government job. Due to low level of education and approach to
the authority, they hardly get the opportunity in other jobs too.
There is no reservation system for Do/its either in education or in
the job which has further marginalized them as they cannot
compete with others. Some of the areas where Do/its have been
engaged are in teaching, music, and other occupation.
The situation escalates in the case of Dalil women as
they lag far behind in education and other opportunities. A few
of the Dalil women are found to work as nurses, and teachers. A
vast majority of the Dalil population work as wage labourers,
women also equally participate in the wage labour as there is no
other alternative to survive.
Politits
There is hardly any representation of the Dalils in the
politics. There is one government nominee in the house of
representatives. No one has represented this group as the
electorate candidate in the house of representative. None of them
have come in the cabinet since the establishment of democracy.
There is a nominal representation even in the local level politics.
There is not a single representation from the woman Dalil in the
higher level politics in the history. Dalil women have been
marginalized in the total voices of women as they are small in
number. However, the Dalil Women's Organisation is raising the
voices about the Do/it women's issues which has drawn the
attention of Government, NGOs and I Gas at the present time.
Samira LllireU The Posirion ofDoli!... 85
Policy of GO, NGO and INGO for the Upliftment of
Dalits
Since the establishment of democracy the voices against
untouchability and upliftment of Dalil community has been
raised by various NGOs and the INGOs. The government also
has started to give due consideration on the issue. There are
GOs and rNGOs who work for the benefits of the Do/its as
they are the poorest of the poor of the country. Various Dalil's
organisations are raising their voices against the issue and are
also working to uplift their condition. A separate NGO 'Dalil
Women's Organisation' works on the issue of women of this
group. The I GOs, Plan International, Action Aid, and Lutheran
have been working since long in this area. Since the
establishment of democracy the government has been providing
scholarships to all the Dei/il children enrolled in school. All these
programmes have drawn public attention to the issue which has
aroused some awareness among the people. However, due to
long established caste system, the upliftment of Do/its' situation
especially in the social situation has not changed much. Other
major lacuna of all these programmes, especially of the INGOs
have been the big investment in the administration and
contingencies than to the beneficiaries. They are termed as the
White Elephants who consume a large amount of their budget on
their own benefits rather to the target groups.
Although there are programmes addressed for the
upliftment of the Dalils they are run on the piece-meal basis.
They have not been able to design and run programmes for the
whole country in a consolidated form. Apart from the Dalil
Organisations, other GOs and I GOs have programmes in
their specific areas focusing to all the poor people of the
surrounding locality. In such a situation the Dalils have nol been
able to utilise the benefits and are marginalized.
There is no specific programme for Dei/il women from
these organizations and the programmes addressed especially for
86 Occasional Papers
women have hardly been able to bring the Dcdil women in it. It is
also difficult for the Dalil women who have to Iive in the hand to
mouth situation to attend the programme on the regular basis and
so they drop out. On the other hand their problems have not been
addressed by such programs and so they do not feel comfortable
to participate fully. There is also the discrimination against caste
groups among the participants in the programme. A handful of
Dalil women participating in the programme would hardly be
taken care by the programme organisers as special focus group
and are given due care. In such a situation they feel even
embarrassed and humiliated and try to keep away themselves
from such an awkward situation
Conclusion
There is no particular and clear description about the
ongm of Dalils. The religion describes it as created by God
whereas the literatures show that it is based on occupation.
History also shows the custom of ostracism when people deviate
from the given social norms. The social system based on a
culture of domination and slavery has scornfully outcasted the
individuals creating the social hierarchies. This very system of
uncouchability is the major drawback of Hinduism, which is the
humiliation of mankind.
Outcasted by the society, the Dalils were prohibited to
acquire wealth or hold any land also denied to receive education.
Manu, who prescribed the law and rules for the Hindus, has
stated "There is no sacred text for the women and Sudras
(Dalils/untouchables). So they were socially, economically and
psychologically exploited since long.
Women of the Dalil communities are multi-exploited for
being born as women in the Hindu culture and as the low caste
group. They are oppressed as women in their own society and
are also marginalized in all aspects of individual development -
social, economic and educational. Having no other alternative to
survive many Dalit women are compelled to indulge in sex
Sumirll Luileli The Position ofDedil... 87
trade. Young. gir.'s a~-e becoming the victims of traffiking.
Women and girls III this very group are at the high risk of being
vulnerable of IIlY/.AIDS. The \CI) system of untouchability
(Daills) IS a shame lor humanity in this ~I" celltury which needs
to be rooted out at any cost. Dalil people. especially women, can
only lead a. dignilied life when there is no caste system. To
pr~vlde .Iusllce to all citizens thc state should take necessary
actions to uproot the system ofuhntoucl18bility or being called as
Dalils.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Acharya, M. and Bennell, L. (198 I). Status or Women in Nepal, 2 (9).
Kathmandu: CEDA. T.U.
Arjun Bishwokarma (Ed.) Pratibodh. Bi- monthly (2056), Year 2, Issue
4, Falgull Chnilra.
Bennett (198 I). Parbatiya Women or Ba'hundol. Status or Women in
Nepal ~ (I) Kathmandu: CEDA. T.U.
Bista, D.B. (199~).Fatalism and Development; epal's Struggle ror
l11oderlllZallon. Bombay: Orient Longman.
D.B. Sagar (Ed.). Jana Uthan (~05~12053), Year 6, Issue 12.
Kathmandu: JanaUthan Academy.
Kamata Hemchuri (Ed.). Jijibisha, Quarterly (2056), Year 3, Issue 4.
. Kathmandu: Ocr/it Sewa Sal1gh.
LUltel, S. (1992). Women in Developmenl. Kathmandu: B.P. Luitel.
Lllltel, S'. el. al (1997). Social Assessment or Educationally
Disadvantaged Groups in Nepal. Kathmandu: CERID
Parijat. Naikape Sarkini. In Aljun Bishwokarma (Ed.) Pratib~dh Bi-
monthly (2056) Year I. Issue 3. Aswin Kirtik. Kathm;ndu:
Prmlbodh Family.
Report ofa Meeting on the Dafil Women Empowerment in the Middle
West Development Region in epal, 24-25 Mansir, 2056
AGRICULTURE AND RITUAL
LANDSCAPE: A CASE STUDY FROM THE
MAGARS OF ARGAL, BAGLUNG
DISTRICT, EPAL
Man Bahadur Khanri'
1.0 Introduction
The signification of rituals and landscape in human
socio-cultural life is very important. We must not try to
undermiile them looking just as traditions. We must try to see
social, economic and cultural meaning associated with rituals.
Rituals playa vital role on people's socio-cultural and economic
life of the community. People perform rituals in a particular
place. The selection of that particular place is culturally
conditioned and its meanings subjectively understood by the
community. I have used local people's perspective, which helped
me understand the meaning and function of rituals in their own
socio-cultural context.
The main theme of this article is to discuss about how a
ritual place is associated with ancestor and agriculture. I have
focused on mostly to those rituals and farm and family shrines
which are associated with agriculture. This article tries to
demonstrate the relationships among the landscape, ritual and the
process of agriculture development with some specific questions
such as: I) why that particular ritual is performed?, 2) where that
Me Man Balwdur Khaltri is an Anthropologist and has been associmed
\\ ilh the Central Department of Sociology!Anthropology. University
Campus. T. U.. Kirtipur in a Capacity of ParHimc Lecturer.
M B. Khal/ri/ Agriculture and Ritual... 89
particular ritual is performed?, and 3) why a pal1icular
space/place IS chosen 111 order to perform that particular ritual?
In order to study ritual landscape I have focused on the
Magar ethnic group of Argal VDC. I argue that ritual landscape
plays a strong and Important role, on the explanation of the
relationship among landscape, rituals, and agricultural activities
of the Magars of Arga/. The concept of landscape has been used
111 anthropology from the beginning of the history of
anthropol?gy, however for different purposes and contexts.
R,tual landscape is a cultural phenomena, therefore
throughout the world it is a construct of human beinos either
through human ascription of my1hological creation 0; (hrough
phySIcal actIons by the human themselves (Ucko 1994: xviii).
R,tual landscape also called sacred landscape is also
malllfestatlons of a cosmology of local people with a distinctive
array of mythical, religious, or spiritual beings or essences,
whIch finally conceptuahze and c1assif'y (i. e. bring order to and
make .sense of) the natural world (Saunders 1994: 172). In N~pal,
the rivers, lakes, ponds, water springs, and the Himalayas
(mountall1s) are consIdered to be sacred. Wherever one ooes it is
eas~ to see a lot of rituals being performed publicly On 7he bank
of rivers, streams, beside the water holes, lakes, ponds, on the
hill f0l1s, the top of the hills, etc. Therefore, it is difficult to
separate a partIcular landscape from sacred to profane. Sometime
Ar?a/i people consider all the geographical features or the
Ul1lverse as sacred phenomena, however they have special
c.onslderatlons for special features of the natural landscape for
ritual purposes. DavId Holmberg has made a remark in the
following way on the ritual performance in Nepal which is
SImilar With the ritual landscape in Arga/:
"Throughout Himalayan Nepal one finds an abundant
array of ritual expressions reflecting multiple Hindu, Buddhist,
and II1dlgenous forms. Lamas, Brahmans, shamans, sacrificers,
monks, nuns, tantrlcs, ascetic medicants, and other ritualists
practice in innumerable temples, houses, fields, and forests at
crude and elaborate altars, at all social gatherings, at rem'ote
peaks and hIgh lakes, in river valleys, along trails, and in
bazaars" (Holmberg 1989: xi).
90 Occasional Papers
The word landscape was originally coined in the
emergent capitalist world of Western Europe by aesthetes,
antiquarians and landed gentry-all men (Bender .'993: 1-2). More
accurately it was re-coined. There was an earlier Anglo-Saxon
usage of the word corresponding to the German word landschaft-
meaning a sheaf, a patch of cultivated ground, somethmg small
scale that corresponded to a peasant's perception, a mere
fragment of a feudal estate, an inset in a Breugel landscape. This
usage had gone out of vogue by the eleventh century, replaced
by word that corresponded to the largerpolitical spaces of those
with power-territories, pays, dOll/all/. And then m the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it reemerge, tightly tied to. a
particular 'way of seeing', a particular expenence, whether 111
pictures, extolling nature or landscapmg an estat~ Jackson ~ 985.
quoted in Bender 1993:2). Similarly, t~le word landscap~ was
introduced into English as a pamter s teclllllcal term In the
seventeenth century (Cooney 1994:32). Moreover, m
contemporary western societies, it involves only the surface of
the land; in other parts of the world, or m pre-modern Europe,
what lies above the surface, or below, may be as or more
important (Bender, 1993: 1-2).
In modern usage, the words "landscapell, "nature" and
"scenery" share a common core of meaning. Scenery and
landscape, from which the seeing occurs are often used
interchangeably and both imply nature (Tuan 1974: 132, Bender,
1993, Cooney, 1994, Olwing, 1993: 309). ThiS was a perspective
by which landscape was recognized as views and vistas.
In the case of 'Iandscape', there is no agreement, even
among scientific users of the word, whether it refers to 'the
landforms of a region in the aggregate'or 'a portion of area that
the eye can comprehend in a single view, vista, prospect (Olwlg,
1993: 307). Knowledge of a place stems. from human
experiences, feeling, thought and cosmology (Ttl ley, 1994.15).
Thus the "nature" independent has only been perceived through
the mind "dependent" concepts. Cognition is not opposed to
reality, but is wholly given over in the total SOCial fact of
dwelling serving to link place, praXIS, cosmology and nature
(Ibid).
M. B. Khouri! Agriculture and Rilua/... 91
Daniels and Cosgrove (1988: I) have defined landscape
as 'a cultural image, a pictorial way of representing, structuring
or symbolizing surroundings'. Thus landscape is created by
people -through their experience and engagement with the world
around them (Ibid), which is an entirely subjective concept.
Therefore, meaning of landscape is more important for the
people who are actually occupying it, their views and
understanding upon landscape are conditioned by their cultural
behaviors.
Thus, landscape is the entire surface over which pwple
move and within which they congregate. Thus a person's
perception or mental map of a place is what underpins his/her
actions rather than the objective reality of that place, so the
nature is totally socialized. It is a symbol ic form, a series of signs
relating to the ancestral past on which people draw in day to day
experience and through which they live (Cooney 1994, Tilley
1994).
People try to dichotomize the whole landscape from a
sacred and a profane or ritual and a no-ritual perspective. The
concept of sacred implies restrictions and prohibitions on human
behavior. Thus, if something is sacred then certain rules must be
observed in relation to it; such rules ultimately turn into ritual(Hubert, 1994: 11-14). What makes things become sacred or to
be used for ritual activities? The English word 'sacredness' is
derived from Latin, and is defined as restriction through
peltaining to the gods. The sacred/ritual landscape is often
looked upon as composed of thought, perception and attitude,
towards a geographical area with a distinctive array of mythical
religious or spiritual beings or essences. The profane landscape
results from geological processes and on occasions, humans and
possibly animals, activities (Saunders, 1994: I72). Simi larly, a
sacred space is demarcated with specially produced religious
objects that sanctified human ordering of life and environment,
and gave meaning to that activity (Ovsyannikov & Terebikhin
I994:44).The secular landscape is defined as one concerned with
everyday life - home, field and farm - while the sacred would be
identifiable as containing special places, for example sites for
ceremonial ritual and tombs (Cooney 1994: 33).
92 Occasional Papers
Mircea Eliade (1957) has argued that it is impossible to
overemphasize the paradox represented by every quality of
sacredness even the most elementary. By manifesting the
sacred, an~ object becomes something else, yet it continues. to
remain itself, for it continues to participate in its surroundmg
cosmic milieu. A sacred stone remains a stone; apparently (or,
more precisely, from the profane point of view) nothing
distinguishes it from all other stones. But for those to whom a
stone reveals itself as sacred, its immediate reality is transmuted
into a supernatural reality. In other words, for those who have a
religious experience all nature is capable of revealmg Itself as
cosmic sacrality. The cosmos in its entirety can become sacred
(Eliade, 1957: 12).This may further help to perform more
elaborate rituals in such sacred places or sacred objects. Some
special locations are imbued with benevolent sacred qualities
which assist people in having good health, good luck and good
energy. Other localities or the same localities are imbued ':"Ith
malevolent forces capable of aiding in injurious acts, mfertlltty
of animals, illness in the family etc. (Theodoratus & LaPena,
1994: 22).
The sacred landscape is associated with their particular
economic and cultural activity. There is a heavy influence of
religious tradition as well. The ritual leaders have the leading
role to establish the sacred landscape. The ritual landscape of
Argali Magars is influenced with the indigenou~ religious faith
and practice as well as the influence of the Hmdlllsm. The Hmdu
religion practitioner like Bahun and other group are theIr
neighbors. Hinduism is the state religion and has pl~yed
dominant role in the village. Slowly and gradually the ntual
landscape has become a mixture of two religious traditions and
faith therefore it becomes more complex to understand. The
Indigenous ritual landscape which is build in Argal is. mo~e
associated with agricultural development processes whIch IS
directly observable in relation to agricultural fertility.
2.0 The People
The Magars are the most dominant ethnic group of Arga!
VDC Baglung district which constitutes 49.23% of the total
M. B. Kha/lri/ Agriculture and Ritual.. 93
population (Khattri 1995). In the context of ethnic group and
theIr vanatlon, espeCIally in the case of Magars of Nepal I am
trymg to be specific, because I am aware of the variation of the
Magars in Nepal. Sometimes the variation can be observed even
in different dialects of their language. In this sense I accept Some
cultural variations even within an ethnic group, however such
variations are not significant to the local people in relation to
ethnic identity. I assume some socio-cultural variations are due
to geographical location as well as the degree of the interaction
with the other dominant ethnic groups who have been settled
down as neighbors. Similarly, there is a challenoino problem to
I. a egenera Ize the finding of a community to an entire ethnic group
espeCially 111 relatIon to immediate ancestors. In this article I
would like to refer them as char/hare' and other paSJl1I'a Maoars
settled in Arga! for a long time. e
The Chetties, Brahman, Blacksmiths,Tailors are the
neighboring ethnic groups of Argali Magars. Each particular
ethnic group or caste group identify themselves as a distinct
ethnic group in relation to their social structure, kinship system,
cultural values, ritual practices and acceptance of particular food
items and burial practices. The ArgeJi Magars called pasliwa to
their neighbors who came later in Arga! and settled down. The
Magar people came Argal and settled down from the time
unknown. When they came to Arga! they were hunting small
games and practicing slash and burn cultivation as their main
occupation for their survival. Their earliest economic life can be
observed from their ritual practices, which are performed at
present as the remembrance of their ancestor's activities. They
probably brought millet, maize, wheat and barley as their main
crop during their arrival. This is also indicates because of its uses
in ritual context and elaborate ritual with some restriction before
plantation and harvesting the crop. The restriction and elaborate
According to the elderly people charthare Argali Magars were the first
settlers in Argal. There are fouf sub.groups among them. which includt:s
Osasa. Nausa. Pulisa and Pun. In relation to cultural practices these Margar
had do~inenl role !", (h.e Village. The other sub-group of Magars of Argal
are alSa., Roka (SmJah and Ramjali) and Thapa. These were laler settlers
in Argal and called them pasllwa.
94 Occasional Papers
use of particular types of grain is developed in order to pay
regards to their ancestors rather than their other religious idea.
They regard to the ancestors and the religious ideas might be
intercon nected.
The Magars of Nepal have been regarded as one of the
indigenous ethnic groups who have accepted the Hindu value
system first because of their early contact with the Hindu groups.
Although many sub-groups of the Magars have lost their
language and have adopted some Hindu ritual traditions in the
process, they have not been totally absorbed into Hinduism
(Sharma, 1977:294). From religious point of view the Magar
community of Argal practice indigenous religious faith which
does not fit actually with Hinduism as well as with Buddhism.
Neither a shaman nor a Bahun priest is employed during the rite
of transition, they ask their sister's son as the priest. The sister's
son is assisted by the elderly people who are well experienced
with their traditional ritual practices, but they do not have any
sacred text to perform their rituals. A shaman is consulted when
someone in the family get sick, and or if a shaman also know to
perform other rituals but he is not recognized as the ritual leader
of the community (Khattri, 1995 and 1999).
3.0 The Study Area
Arga! VDC lies in a hilly area between 1420-300 meter
above the sea level (masl). There are several hill tops with thick
forest which is the source of fodder, timber, and energy for the
local ~eople. People have been protecting this forest for a long
time as the community owned. The main settlement and
cultivated land lies under the hill tops and the forest. This is the
land where people live, with their cattle and cultivate their rain
fed land. The local people grow two seasonal crops. During the
summer they grow maize, millet, soyabean, but in the high
altitude people do not grow millet. During the winter people
basically grow wheat, barley, naked barley, pea as the major
crops. They also grow radish which is used as vegetable for their
own consumption as well as to exchange with their fictive kin
relatives.
M. B. Khallril Agricu!ture and Ritl/al... 95
The surrounding landscape looks like honey cakes on
opposite side with very steep hills. It is hard to imagine, from
one. particular corner of the village, that there is next village
beSide thiS. Therefore, people living beside river bank have
difficulties to see more landmass, but those who live in much
higher area, and who climb on the top of the hill could observe
people's activities in the village as well as panoramic view of the
Himalayas and gigantic view of the forestrious hills.
The most lowland area of Arga! VDC is also very steep,
where most of the people have difficulties to take their livestock.
Many people take their bullock in the field to plough with great
risk. However Angakhet and Ragdam areas are relatively flat and
people settled there. The low land is cultivated to grow rice. The
rice field is fed by mostly temporary irrigation built by people
With their own individual initiation. In this land people 0row rice
during the summer and leave fallow during the winte;. People
have started to cultivate potatoes during winter for the last ten
years. The fertility of these land is maintained by leavino land
fallow during the winter, irrigation and by composting during
rice plantation. On the one hand this land is not that important,
because the majority of the people lack this type of land, on the
other hand, this small amount of land owned by a few number of
people is important to the people, because this land supplies rice,
a prestigious as well as ritual items for majority of the people in
Arga/. Even today people thil.lk that the rice bought from market
is not pure ritually to offer to the gods and goddesses. The
majority of the people owns land in the middle range where
major settlement lies. This land is more demanding because of
its fertility, slope and climate. Most of the people own cultivated
land around the settlement area. This land was occupied first by
char/hare. Magar of Arga!, later other ethnic groups like
Blacksmiths, Tailors, Chettris, Bahuns, and the other sub-groups
of Magars who entered from different areas of Bihunkot and
Galkot into their settlement areas as paStlll'a. The pasull'a people
agreed upon the conditions of the indigenous Magar people. The
agreement was if they do not follo\\ their local customs, they
should Ie", e the area, which made the area to some extent a
culturally homogeneous.
96 Occasional Papers
4.0 Structures of Landscape and Agricultural Processes
People's activities produce material objects and clues of
their activities in the natural landscape. Crop cultivation, animal
husbandry and settlement pattern are the major cultural
processes. These cultural processes are also associated with
creating a sacred landscape. This IS eVident 111 the case of Argal.
Crop cultivation and animal husbandry are combmed practices 111
Argal. Sherratt (1990) suggests that agriculture ~equires the
continuing commitment to a particular place. TIllS IS associated
with the territorial consciousness of the people, which is also the
result of the shortage and competition for land. Argall Magars
express the consciousness of the territoriality during the ancestral
ritual through two ritual actions. First, they IJ1voke their ancestral
deities and the spirits living at different places in the
surroundings. Second, they mention the geographical boundaries
of their ancestral or communal land and important natural
resources which were mostly used by their ancestors and are
valuable even for the living people today during the ritual. The
territorial consciousness is also associated with the permanence
of the settlement. The territorial consciousness is even expressed
in the written documents during the confl ict on land with their
neighboring communities. These events are all associated with
the process of agriculture development, ancestral cults and ntual
landscape of Argal.
In Argal, sacred or ritual sites are perceived as having
two fundamental qualities, i. e. benevolent and malevolent.
People everywhere are always concerned about their comfortable
life at present and in the future. Thus, activities towards such
sacred sites might be more devotional. Nevertheless, such
devotional expressions, as the recognition of a place as sacred
can be made permanent by monument building, for instance
temples, or miniature sanctuaries. The introduction of a
monument into the 'natural' environment can signify that the
human institutions that created the monument are taking on the
permanence of nature: architecture and nature ideally united to
be one, as exemplified in the use of nature's resources in the
monument (Cooney 1994: 35). In the following sections, I will
M. B. Khouri! Agricuili/re and Rill/al... 97
present the structure of sacred places that are associated with
cultivation, settlement and animal husbandry.
4.1. Settlement VS on-settlement Area
There are some limitations for people which do not
allow to act according to their own interests or desire only.
Those limitations are included geo-physical condition and
natural rescues for their niche. In order to adapt in the local
environment, Argali people have rationalized towards selecting a
settlement area. The selection of a settlement site includes: an
access track for human beings and domestic animals, the safer
land from landslide during the monsoon season and some
sources of drinking water. Besides these rational ization, the
settlement area has been limited mostly in and around area where
dry land cultivation is mostly available. The Argali people have
not built a house for permanent residence close to the wet
cultivated/irrigated land. On the one hand irrigated land is very
limited and very narrow valley, and on the other hand only few
people own the irrigated land. The wet cultivated land is found in
lower altitude between 1600-1750 masl along the bank of
Puwadhune Khola and Tara Khola rivers. In these area flooding
occurs frequently during the monsoon. People do fear of flood
and have not settled in those areas.
Because these valleys are very narrow and rocky,
therefore most of places have difficult access for domestic
animals. Most of the people own the dry cultivated land,
therefore, it is comfortable for them to build a house and cattle-
shed near their land. Except for the main clustered village, it is
possible to trace the land and their house because they are very
closely settled. In Argal the main settlement lies in the middle of
the dry cultivated area. Most of the settlements are located
around the dry cultivated land. Ritual places are found in and
around the settlement area. Therefore, one finds more ritual
shrines around the settlements than non-settlements area.
4.2. Cultivated VS Uncultivated Land
Most of the people's activities on the land are associated
with the cultivation. The agricultural activities are also
98 Occasional Papers
associated with ritual performance.The surroundings of Argal
VDC can be divided into two categories: cultivated and
uncultivated land. The cultivated land is cultured than
uncultivated. Therefore, the number of rituals activities are found
to be performed more on cultivated land than uncultivated land.
Basically the family shrines are placed on cultivated land. Since
those shrines are associated with the fertility of the crops,
livestocks and members of family. Therefore, almost every
family has at least one shrine in their field, if they do not have a
shrine in their own field, they join to their neighbor's shrine for
ritual worshipping to protect their family members, livestocks
and crops from nalUral calamities and diseases. The communal
shrines are located on uncultivated and mostly public areas.
Compare to family shrines, community shrines are few but larger
in size and they are regarded as more powerful. The communal
deities protect all the member of community, domestic animals,
wild flora and fauna of the village from natural calamities and
diseases. Having a family shrine in a private land does not bring
any social status in the community. But building a monument
has social economic power in the community. Those families
who own a family shrine has to keep his house and farm away
from being difty. This cleanliness provides social and cultural
power to the family in the community. Argali people believe that
the spirit which reside at that pafticular place gels angry and
becomes troublesome for the family if their abode becomes ditty.
Therefore, it is always important for them to be aware with their
activities in the field and in the house. Such ritual places restrict
people's attitude and behavior, but also builds social interaction
with his neighboring family as well as among their consaguinial
and affinal relatives.
4.3. Wet VS Dry Cultivation
Wet cultivation and dry cultivation are also associated
with the cultural as well as social factors. However, my concern
in this article is to see about how these two factors are linked in
relation to ritual behavior of Argali people. In Arga! cultivated
land is divided into two categories a) bari (dry cultivation) and
b) khet, (wet cultivation). Ritual activities are more often
M. n. Khouri! rlgricu/Illre Cllld Rilual... 99
performed in dry cultivation areas than in wet cultivation areas.
The dry cultivated land has a longer history of cultivation,
similarly people have much closer interaction with it and it is the
land in which people depend more for their survival than on wet
cultivated land. Wet cultivation stafted a few decades ago in
Argal. These areas lies far from main settlement areas.
Therefore, the rilUal shrines are found more often on the dry
cultivated land than on wet cultivated land.
4.4, Higher VS Lower Altitude Cultivation
The location of the cultivated land is associated with the
ritual places in Arga!. Dry cultivated land consists of most
marginal upland and semi-marginal land around the village. This
land is located in a higher altitude. The wet cultivated land is
located in much lower altilUde (around 1600-1750 mas I). The
higher altitude cultivation depends more upon natural climatic
conditions especially rain. This fact might have played a crucial
role for more ritual activities and for creating believes in the
natural or spiritual power. Because most of the natural
phenomena like flood, draught, hail stone are considered to be
the happening of the wish of the super natural power, such
activities are expressed through building shrines and performing
rituals as a symbol for invocation to the spiritual power in higher
altitude and dry cultivated land.
4.5. Long VS Short Human Intet'action with Nature
The Arga!i Magars have been exploring (he spiritual
quality of land through interaction with nature in the process of
crop cultivation and animal husbandry After a long imeraction
with the nature when sacred place is identi fied then a shrine is
established to communicate with the spirit as well as to indicate
a ritual place. In the history of agricultural practices dry
cultivation started first with subsistence economy and later wet
cultivation and specialized commercial farming. Therefore, the
dry land cultivation has a longer history of cultivation and it has
more rilUal places than the wet cultivated land in Argo!. The wet
land cultivation does not depend its fertility on nature as does
dry cultivation. Thus, the risk with the natural calamities is less
100 Occasional Papers
and the chances of food security is higher. which is very
important factor in subsistence based farm economy. The
process of establishing shrines comes with the interaction
between local people and nature or the spiritual beings.
4.6. Public VS Private Uncultivated land
For the ritual performance, it was relt important to look
at the land ownership. In Argal the land ownership also affects
the process of constructing ritual landscape. The location of
shrine and participation of the people during the rituals are also
significant when they wanled to build a monument. In Argal, the
uncultivated land is divided into two categories: a) ban (public
forest owned by the local communities) b) kharbari ( private
forest owned by individual mainly used for fodder collection).
The public forest is used more for ritual activities than the
private forest. In Argal, some special places such as spring of
drinking water, forest, cemetery, river and streams are public.
These are the places which are possible areas where spiritual
places are created and owned by all members of the community.
High esteemed gods and goddesses, and the ancestral
monuments are also located in public land than the individually
owned land. The ritual is performed by paJ1icipating on the
community level. In Argal rorest means public land. In such a
public places high esteem gods and goddesses have been settled
down. In Argal, such ritual shrines are Mai Than, Chaurasi Mai,
Baraha, Siddha, Deurali, Bhume, Deuti and Jimadhani.
5.0 Crop Cycles and Ritual Activities
Crop seasons and some ritual activities are interwoven in
Argal. The Magars of Argal produce only two seasonal crops i.e.
winter and summer crops. People generally called hiude kheli
(bali) for winter crop and barkhe kheli (bali) for summer crops.
The hiude klieli includes wheat, barley, naked barley, pea and
mustard. Pea is cultivated as mixed cropped with any of the
major crop like wheat, barley, naked barley. The barkhe Kheli
includes, maize, millet, paddy, soybeans, amaranths, hemp,
potatoes. Maize millet are the major crops during the summer
season. Vegetables are mostly grown during the summer
seasons. For winter crops cliaile pooja rituals are performed only
M. B. Khauri/ Agricullure and Rilual... 101
one time m March just before the harvest. This ritual is
performed in order to protect their harvest from natural
calamities like hailstone and over rain. The people of the area are
not allowed to work in their field on that particular day. The
summer crop cycle starts from the end of April and last until end
of September. For summer crops, people perform rituals at least
lw~ times. At first ritual is performed at the beginning of sowing
maIze and millet and before harvesting. The crops cycle starts
With the ritual called. khiyaro paoja, an auspicious day for
startmg sowmg maize 111 the field. Similarly that particular day
people should not work on the field. In the case of millet
plantation jimadhani pooja is performed just before
transplantation of millet, on that day, people are not allowed to
work. For the millet and paddy they perform special ritual before
weeding called harelo.
6.0 Conclusions
Ritual landscape is a cultural phenomena. The meaning
of .Iandsca~e lies on culture of a particular group of people,
whIch slgmry their life circumstances and affecls their ways of
life. Still a confusion exists whether landscape is an array of
geographical or geological features per se, or a particular culture
which is deeply rooted by the cosmology of the local people. In
fact, the ascription of significance to a specific confiGuration of
geographical features is not a self-evident fact co~ferl'ed by
natural processes, but rather a cultural appraisal (Saunders,
1994: 172). In the case of Argal, the most sacred sites are natural
features. These features are springs, trees or rocks. The ritual
landscape is created by the experience of the local people. In
Argal ritual, landscape is not in the textual tradition, but people
have constructed the ritual landscape on the around with
indigenous and Hindu religious tradition and faith. "Some of the
ritual sites are created on the basis of scriptural notion or cosmic
space. Open air village shrines are mostly associated with farm
but not with Hindu textual image. The farm and family shrines
are mostly associated with the fertility of crops, livestocks and
family members. The rituals are performed to avoid natural
calamities such as famine and epidemics. Therefore,
development of rituals and the local ritual landscape is
102 Occasional Papers
associated with the dependence of local community on
agriculture, to pay regards for their ancestors who made land for
cultivation and avoid risk of famine and epidemics. At the same
time the increased dependence on cultivation stimulates
increased concern for the fertility of ·the crops (Haaland and
Haaland, 1995: I 15). Simi lady, in archaeological investigation,
sacred sites have frequently been found around the same time as
the introduction of agriculture (Scarre, 1996:591 ).The natural
environments are culturally incorporated into the religious world
of local communities. The local natural landscape is used to
create ritual landscape. The ritual landscapc is interrelated with
the settled and cultivated lands, crop cycles and rituals activities
of local people of Argol. Ritual activities of the local people are
not rigid. Ritual activities of the people also change according to
religious and socio- economics environment of a people in a
particular area.
REFERENCES
Barth, r., 1969. "Introduction". In £rJmic Groups and Boundaries: The
Social fhgani:ation of Culture Difference.Barth, F. (ed.) Oslo:
Un iversi tetsforlaget.
Bender, B., 1993. "Introduction: Landscape·Meanillg and Action" In
Landscape Politics Gnd Perspectives. B. Bender (ed). Oxford:
Oxford Berg.
Cooney, G. G., 1994. "Sacred and Secular Neolilhic Landscape in Ireland".
In Sacred Sites. Sacred Places. David L. Carmichael, Jane
Hubert, Brian Reeves and Audhild Schanche (eds.). London: One
World Archaeotogy
Cosgrove, D., 1993. "Landscape and Myths, Gods and Humans". In
Landscape. Politics and Perspectives. B. Bender (ed). Oxford:
Oxford Berg.
Daniels, S. & Cosgrove, 1988. "Introduction: Iconography and Landscape".
In The Iconography ~f Landscape. Essays 011 the S~l'mbolic
Representation. Design alld Use 0/ the fast EI1l'irolUnems. Denis
Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Gurung, 0., 1996. Custommy Systems 0/ Nawrol Hesource A1anagemem
Among 1'al'OI1Ii A1agars Of Weslern Nepal. A Ph. D. Thesis
Submitted to Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. •
M. B. Khallri/ Agriculture and Ritual... t 03
Haaland, H. & R. Haaland,199S. Who Speaks the Goddess's Language?
:Imagination and Method in Archaeological Research.
Norwegian Archaeological Reriell' 1'0/ 28, ,vo. ]
Hirsch, E., 1995. "Introduction: Landscape: Between Place and Space" In
Al1Ihropology 0/ Laml'icape. Perspectires on Place Gnd Space
Eric Hirsch and Michael 0' Hanlon (eds). Oxford Clarendon
Press.
Hitchcock, 1.,1966. The Magars of Banyau Hill. Holt Rinehart and
Winston, Inc.
Holmberg, D., 1989. Order in Paradox: Myth, Ritual al/d Exchange
Among Nepal's Tamang. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers
Pvt. Ltd.
Hubert, H.& Mauss, M.,1964. Sacrifice: Its Nature and Fllnction.
(Translated by W. D. Halls) Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press.
Humbert, 1.,1994. "Sacred belief and Belief of Sacredness". In Sacred
Sites. Sacred Places David L. Carmichael, Jane Hurbert, Brian
Reeves and Audhild Schanche (eds.). London: Routledge.
Khauri, M. B., 1995. Adapth'e Systems 0/ the ,Hagars 0/ Argal' An
£llmoecological Case Study of Argal I DC of Bagllll.g District.
Nepal. A M. A. Thesis Submitted to Tribhuvan University.
Kathmandu.
Khattri, M.B., 1999. Sacrificial Places: .-111 Etlmoarchaeological Study 0/
the Ritllal Landscape From Argal f'DC lVestern Nepal. A M.
Phil. Thesis in Archaeology Department of Achaeology
University of Bergen, Norway.
Lahiri, N., 1996. "Archaeological Landscapes and Textual/mages: A study
of the Sacred Geography of Mediaval Ballabgarh". In World
Archaeology. Sacred Geography. Richard Bradley (ed.) Vol. 28
No.2 Oct. London: Routledge.
Olwing, K., 1993. "Sexual Cosmology: Nation and Landscape at the
Conceptual Interstics of Nalure and Culture".In Landscape
Politics and Perspectives. B. Bender(ed.). Oxford: Oxford Berg.
Ovsyannikov, O. V. & Terebikhin, M. .,1994. "Sacred Place in
Artic Regions". In Sacred Sites. Sacred Places David L.
Carmichael, Jane Hurben. Brian Reeves and Audhild Schanche
(eds.). London: Routledge.
Saunders, N. J., 1994. "At the Mouth of Obsidian Cave: Deity and Place in
Aztec Religion". In Sacred Sites, Sacred Places David L.
Carmichael, Jane Hurben, Brian Reeves and Audhild Schanche
(eds.). London: Routledge.
Scarre, C, 1996. "Religion". In The Oxford Companiollto Archaeology, B.
M. Fagan (ed) New York: Oxford University Press.
104 Occasional Papers
Sharma, P. R., 1977. "Caste. Social Mobility and Sanskrititization: A study
of epal's Old Legal Code". In hoilash Vol. 4 No.5 (pp. 277-
300).
Sherran, A., 1990, "The genesis of Megaliths: Monumentality, Ethnicity
and Social Complexity in eolithic north-west Europe". In World
Archaeology Vol. 22 No. 2 Monuments and Monumental
London: Routledge
Slusser. M. S. 1982., Nepal Malldala: A ellilural SllIdy of Ihe Kathmalldu
Valley. Volume I :Text. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press.
Tilly, C. 1994., II Phenomenology of Landscape: Places. Paths and
Monuments. Oxford: Berg
Tuan, Yi·Fu., 1974. Topophilia: A study of Environmental Perception,
AI/iII/des alld Values. Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Turner, V., 1967. The ForeSI of Symbols: Aspecls of Ndembu Rilual.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Ucko, P. J. "Foreword". In Sacred Sites. Sacred Places. David L.
Carmichael, Jane Hurbert, Brian Reeves and Audhild Schanche
(eds.). London: Routledge.
•
DEVELOPMENT OF WATER SUPPLY AND
SANITATION FACILITY IN THE RURAL
AREAS OF NEPAL: AN OVERVIEW
Jiba Nath Prasain*
1.0 Introduction
Safe drinking water is the basic necessity for people.
Traditionally as well as culturally, Nepali people believe that
flowing water is considered "pure" and "safe" for drinking and
domestic purposes. Water is a multifaceted symbol in Hinduism.
It is regarded as one of the panchatatawa, i.e., five primeval
elements of the universe along with the earth, fire, air, and
ether ... water was sacred precisely because it had the potential to
wash away the sin. Just as water dissolves away dirt and mud, so
too does it dissolve sin. Water was regarded as papamochana, or
that which frees one from sin and impurity. A person was
regarded as being clean after a ritual bath, or snana. While the
symbols of water as a primal matter, an instrument of
purification and expiation, a unifYing force and a vivifYing
element can all be found in Hinduism, in most of the
dharmashastras, or Hindu religious texts, the symbolism of water
as an instrument of purification and expiation, is pre-eminent
(Sharma, 200 1:37-38). As water is purifier element, women take
bath for purification after delivering baby, during the death
observance ritual, people take bath to purify, cleaning sins, to
gain religious merits, or to perform any sorts of religious
activity, taking bath is most essential part of Hindu rituals. Rig-
• J. N. Prasain is nn anthropologist by discipline and worked as a rn~e·I:1l1ce
development consullant in bilatertl] agencies Nepal and UN agencies
outside Nepal..
106 Occasional Papers
Veda, Atharva Veda, Manusmriti, and Arthashastra are the one
those stated the use and importance of water for ritual
cleanliness. Sudhindra Sharma, in his book "Procuring Water"
(2001) clearly pointed out the importance of water in Hindu
socio-cultural life as: among Hindus many of the daily, yearly
and life-cycle rites such as daily bathing, bathing in the rivers
during certain auspicious days of the year and cremation as well
as cremation-related annual rites are conducted along the river
banks. Water was and is associated intricately with many
religious purification rituals. However, the 'modern concept of
drinking and domestic water' has overlooked the ritual
purification-aspects of water. And it is seen from the
perspectives of easy accessibility, nearness, adequate quantity &
quality, reduction of water-borne and water-related diseases, and
lessen the drudgery of women and children (The National Water
Sector Policy, 1998), rather spiritual purification.
Traditionally, most development activities in Nepal were
based on indigenous initiatives. Parma, pareli, guhar, etc --the
traditional forms of labor exchange or communal co-operation in
rural Nepal (Blaikie, et aI., 1982, and Pyakuryal, 1993)-- are the
common community efforts in agricultural activities as well
social development efforts such as building houses, pati-pauwa,
dharmasala, and chautari (different sorts of resting-places) and
many other community infrastructural facilities such as irrigation
canals, foot trails and drinking water schemes.
The 'so-called' modern model of community
development or the organized form of rural development has
started along with the Tribhuvan Gram Bikas (Pradhananga,
1991), which was the first government-initiated rural
development program in 1950s. Prior to that time, the rural
people had managed their community development activities
without foreign assistance. Development should be for the
satisfaction of essential human needs (Alexander, 1994).
It can be stated that the development is an on-going
process. Development implies positive changes. It may be
defined as those changes, which are seen as desirables among the
particular group of people who are changing (Axinn, 1978)
J. N. Prasainl Development o[ Water Supply ... 107
There is the multiplicity of the sources of rural water
supply which comprise river, dhunge dhara (stone spout), kuawa
(surface well), pokhari/kunda (pond dug-well), shallow tubewell,
spring to gravity feed/overhead water supply system. When
people know about advance technology through different ways,
they want to have it provided that is affordable, and materials
and technologies are easily available or that they have the ability
to pay and willingness to pay for it. In the ancient time, most of
the human settlements were established and civilizations
developed along the banks of rivers. The paper is intent on
fulfilling two objectives. They are: (i) to analyze briefly the
policy trend and development practices of rural water supply and
sanitation activity, and (ii) to assess the roles of the beneficiaries
to make the rural water supply and sanitation activity
sustainable. The author has tried to fulfill these two objectives of
the paper by utilizing the secondary sources of the relevant
information.
2.0 Genesis of Rural Water Supply and Sanitation
Development Activities in Rural Nepal
Drinking water is the most important basic need of the
human beings. It remains on the top priority in the agenda of
rural development. Given the fact that the 'modern
organizational/governmental' efforts to develop drinking water
supply sector has not had long history as a systematic approach.
The Ministry of Water Resources was originally held responsible
for all the drinking water supply under its Department of
Irrigation and Water Supply, which was established in 1966, and
the department was performing its roles till 1971. And in 1972,
under the umbrella of the Ministry of Water Resources, the
responsibilities for irrigation and drinking water were separated
and the Department of Water Supply and Sewerage (DWSS) was
created. At that time, the Ministry of Panchayat and Local
Development (MPLD) had been given the responsibility for
small-scale village level water supply scheme construction as
part of its local development program. Criteria for such schemes
developed by MPLD were as follows: (i) a system should serve
maximum of 1500 people, (ii) the pipeline should not be longer
108 Occasional Papers
1. N. Prasain/ Development 01Waler Supply... 109
4.0 Directions of Rural Water Supply and Sanitation
Development Initiatives
. Traditionally, Nepal has the strongest and richest
heritage of people's participation in community development
(DWSS) has been recognized in 1984/1985. These two
departments were set up under separate ministries i.e., Ministry
of Water Resources and Ministry of Housing and Physical
Planning (MHPP), respectively. A few years later (1988), the
MHPP had to shoulder the responsibility of formulation and
steering the implementation of overall policies and strategies for
water and sanitation sector and for inter-related sectoral co-
ordination. It is stated that 80% people have access to improved
water supply and sanitation coverage is only 27% (UNDP
2001). '
3.0 Organizations/Institutions Involved in Drinking
Water and Sanitation Development Activity
During and after the Water and Sanitation Decade in
addition to the Nepali Government efforts, United Nati~ns
Children's Funds (UNICEF), United Mission to Nepal (UMN),
Lutheran World Service (LWS), Red Cross Society,
HELVATES, Finish International Development Agency
(FINNID)- Rural water Supply and Sanitation Project (RWSSP),
Danish International Development Agency (DAN IDA),
European Commission (EC), Water Aid, Save the Children Fund
United Kingdom (SCF-UK), Save the Children Fund United
States of America (SCF-USA), Redd Barna, World Bank, Asian
Development Bank, (R WSS- FUND) FUND Board and numbers
of other Community Based Organizations (CBOs) have been
involved in providing water and sanitation services and facilities
in the rural area of Nepal. These are not exhaustive name list but
these are only some of the principal institutionslorganiza;ions
working in this sector.
than 5 kilometers and (iii) the cost should not be more than NRs.
50,000.00. Those schemes that did not meet the above stated
criteria were managed by DWSS through consultants and or
contractors' involvement for construction of the schemes under
the Ministry of Water Resources (Boot and Heijnen, 1988). This
structure lasted for 15 years. Till 1970, the national water supply
coverage was only 3.7% of the total population of Nepal
(Sharma, 200 I) and it was extremely low in the rural area of
epal. It was out of planners' priority area of improving the
water supply and sanitation condition in rural area.
In the decade of 1970s, in the international arena, two
women, one British economist-Barbara Ward, and the other
American anthropologist-Margaret Mead individually initiated
the activity for drinking water supply at the United Nations (UN)
Conference on Human Settlement (HABITAT) in Vancouver,
1976. They emphasized for favorable policy formulations and
approvals on water supply and sanitation. The following year, at
the World Water Conference- Argentina, was carried forward
with the specific recommendations so that the UN created a tp.n-
year program to focus on water and sanitation. The General
Assembly of UN subseqllently passed the resolution creating the
International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade:
1980-1990 (Bourne, 1984). To express the commitment on the
International Drinking Water and Sanitation Decade, HMG-
Nepal's stated its priority concern to have accessible piped
drinking water supply by the end of 6th five -year plans. It is
mentioned in the Seventh [Five -Year] Plan that only 17.9 % and
79.9% of rural and urban people, respectively, would have
access to drinking water. But it did not mention the actual
coverage in the achievement of the 6th Five Year Plan. The
column of achievement is blank (Seventh Plan, 2042-2047 B.S).
Likewise, it was mentioned in the Eight Plan the target was set
72 percent of population coverage of drinking water supply, but
actually by the end of the Eighth Plan only 61 percent were
covered (Ninth Plan, 1998). The separation of the Department of
Irrigation and Department of Water Supply and Sewerage
110 Occasional Papers
activities. History shows that development usually takes places
not through external interventions but through ordinary people
working collectively to meet their felt needs (whatever pattern of
participation). In Hindu societies, the construction of traditional
water points is regarded as a sacred activity (Pandey, J992).
They spent money for the construction of temples, water supply
systems, rest houses, bridges, and paved roads to gain religious
merit (Bista, 1994). It was sporadic, individually initiated, and
motivated by benevolent intentions. Or may be to keep the
power and influence over the poor by the rich which could give
the continuation of traditional patron-clients relationship in a
covert way. When the "modern" or "organized planned
development" activity started, the "top down" or "centralized
approach" took over the traditional form of people's
participation. The notion of people's participation in drinking
water supply was initiated by MPLD, which had taken
responsibility of the construction of small-scale drinking water
supply projects like others such as roads, suspension bridges, and
foot-trials. However, it was mainly on the cost reduction
approach or "cheap labor", "cost sharing!!, "contractual
obligation"(Srinivasan, 1990). And concept and practice on
"community decision-making" was not institutionalized during
the course of intervention. Mainly technicians decided the water
supply scheme according to the pre-set guidelines and they just
asked the community to contribute necessary labor and locally
available materials and assigned the role of operation and
maintenance of the constructed schemes.
It was the general practice during J970s that technocrats
undermined and even overlooked the importance of partnership
approach in development... that the men and women of the
village of Nepal are a critical components of the development of
the country (Stiller & Yadav, 1979), which was neglected. Any
development activity could fail when it fails to involve and
encompass the mental attachment and physical involvement of
people to decide what they want for them. If neglected, this
J. N. Prasain! Development a/Water Supply ... III
certainly creates the "dependency syndrome" rather than the
"sustainability". The two decades of these types of conceptual
backgrounds, which consequently laid the foundation stones to
recognize the importance of people's participation in decision-
making. But there is a genuine question: why the crucial idea of
"ownership feeling' has not been generated in the mind of the
people, who actually benefit from such activity? It could be due
to one or a number of reasons such as: the continuous flow of
foreign aids without doing proper homework, lack of awareness
on the part of people and utilization of development work for
political benefits (Giri, 1992). Consequently, "psychic of people"
became more dependent on outside assistance and the crisis of
confidence was/is common (Prasain, 1996) among the
community members and between community and outsiders. But
the irony is that those who enjoyed the benefits continued to be
increasingly unhappy and asked for more without contributing to
the process of development (Bista, 1994). In addition, other
reasons behind could be myopic vision and passing
responsibilities to others' shoulders by our top
politicians/planners, which accentuated in the process of erosion
of community self-motivation, and self-help approach. These
observations are also corroborated by the researcher's own
discussions held with the beneficiaries of LWS project in
Baglung and RWSSP project Lumbini Zone. During the later
part of 1980s, there were some NGOs, which initiated the
process of giving some percentage of maintenance funds
(benevolently) to deposit in the users' bank account after the
completion of a water supply scheme. It is interesting to note that
the Nepal Red Cross & Lutheran World Service (LWS) funded
Water Resources Development Project (WRDP) in Baglung
(during 1984-1986 project cycle) had deposited half (2.5%) of
the maintenance fund in the users' bank account and half was
deposited by users themselves to operate and maintain the
completed drinking water supply schemes. And for the sake of
improving environmental sanitation and personal hygiene, a
112 Occasional Papers
concrete slab for pit latrine had been provided free of cost to
each family, where drinking water supply schemes were
implemented. After a year, it was clear that both the activities
initiated with good intention did not work. Then, the project
shared the information with community members about the
guidelines (formulated in consultation with them) that after the
completion of socio-economic and technical feasibility studies of
a scheme; the users were asked to collect and deposit the
required amount of fund for maintenance. Then, only the project
would finalize detailed cost estimate of quantity required for a
scheme. Materials for water supply would be disbursed when
users' produced the bank voucher for the maintenance fund
deposited in the users' bank account, and if household had
collected the necessary materials for constructing latrine slab,
cement and technicians could be provided.
5.0 User's Participation: A New Paradigm and a
Paradox
The word 'community partIcIpation or people's
participation' has different meanings to different people. It has
become 'buzz word' among the development professionals in the
recent decades. "Community participation" or "people's
participation" does suffer from problems of definition; it means
different things to different people, depending upon their
perspectives. No threshold point separates "participation" from
IInOllparticipationli. I1Community participation ll is, therefore,
usually defined in terms of a typology that represents
increasingly intensive degrees of involvement in: (i) planning
programs and projects, (ii) implementing projects, (iii) sharing in
benefits of projects, and (iv) evaluating projects. The UN Decade
approach to drinking water supply and sanitation stressed that for
national projects to be acceptable for external finding, some
degree of community participation must be demonstrated in
relation to all four criteria (White, 1984: 221-222). But Lohani,
(1980) is of the opinion that the closest synonym of people's
J. N. Prasain/ Development ofWater Supply ... 113
partIcIpation is popular participation. Various resolution of UN
bodies have identified mass sharing of benefits of development,
mass contribution to development, and mass involvement in
decision-making process of development as the three basic
ingredients of popular participation (Lohani,1980). Selener has
quoted (from Conchelos, 1985) two types of participations in his
book 'Participatory Action Research and Social Change' (1998),
namely, participation of a technical nature can be manipulated by
the power holders to fulfill their own needs and thus may not
promote empowerment of social change ... and participation of a
political nature means acquiring power and taking greater control
of a situation by increasing options for action, autonomy and
reflection, especially through the development and strengthening
of institution (Selener, 1998: 204). And another meaning of
participation is that the participation by the people in the
institutions and systems, which govern their lives, is a basic
human right and also essential for realignment of political power
in favour of disadvantaged groups and for social and economic
development. Rural development strategies can realise their full
potential only through the motivation, active involvement and
organsation at the grassroots level of rural people, with special
emphasis on the least advantaged, in conceptual ising and
designing policies and programmes and in creating
administrative, social and economic institutions, including
cooperative and other voluntary forms of organsation for
implementing and evaluating them (FAO quoted by l3urkey,
1993). Analyzing the above definitions, the concerned people's
involvement in all project cycles is the meaningful one to decide
what they really want and can do to determine their future life.
The philosophy of "top down", "donor driven",
tltechnocratic, bureaucraticll , and lIprovisioningll approaches in
rural development could not work well either from the
empowerment or from sustainability point of view. Many
scholars and development practitioners have collected ample
examples in this regard. Among these, Trace and Whiteside
Rural elite,
informal/formal
Policy matters, decision
making, planning Leaders for
implementation-monetary and
materials contribution and not
labour contribution and Playa
supervisory role.
Occasionally in decision-
making and planning,
contribution of money and
materials and negligible Labour
contribution
L
---' labors seldom involve in
policy matter and decision-
making. Contribution if any
chiefly, labours and minors
chores
Middle ranking-+i~
Group (middle
Class families
Poor (weeake,,+_.
section
J. N. Prasain/ Developmenl 01WOler Supply.. tiS
neither contribute labor nor play an effective supervisory role.
And the consequence is the failure of the project activities (see
figure: I). In this regard, R. Chambers also pointed out that
decisions are taken either by the urban-based bureaucrats,
technocrats, or "so called" development workers and or rural
elites - the non-concerned outsiders. The interests of these may
slant towards other direction than the real beneficiary. Such
directly non-concerned people could be entrenched by many
rural developments biases- spatial, project, person, season,
diplomatic and professional biases- (Chamber, 1983). In most of
the cases of rural development initiatives like in Nepal, people's
participation in the project cycles is a 'token participation' in the
context of empowering the poor people (especially women who
are the prime users of water). If it is not duly recognized, how
can the sustainability be ensured? In such a situation,
sustainability of development efforts, including water and
sanitation activity, would be rhetoric, myth and or a mockery,
Figure: 1 Pattern of Participation in Rural Development
Socio-economic Category Pattern of Decision-Making
Source: Setty, D. E., 1985, The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol.XLVI, No.1 (ApriIl985)
114 Occasional Papers
made observations and said that technicians took decisions. As a
result, water supply programmes are almost invariably headed by
engineers rather than community development specialists ...(Trace, S., et aI., 1992). Ultimately, the community members do
not hold the "sense of ownership" and consequently after some
time, like other development initiatives, water supply schemes
are found dysfunctional.
In the decade of 1980s, in rural water supply and
sanitation sector, a remarkable step took place, at least in
conceptual guidelines, which set criteria on how to make the
system more people-friendly. According to the guidelines and set
criteria, a request for a drinking water scheme should be lodged
with Local Development Department (LDD) by the village
Panchayat through the district Panchayat. But, despite this
arrangement, in practice, a number of projects were directly
requested through political channels or influential leaders. These
projects were usually less successful, as implementation was
frequently delayed because of disputes about the source of water
and tap locations or other internal conflicts, or by a lack of
community motivation for voluntary labor. In January 1980, 10
out of 44 projects water supply schemes under construction
suffered from these problems. ... However, experience has
demonstrated increasingly that the success of a water supply
scheme very much depends on a real partnership between
program staff and community (Boot & Heijnen, 1988). In
FINNIDA/HMG-N- funded RWSS Project (1990-1996 phase) in
a village, named Saljhandi of Rupendehi district-Lumbini Zone,
it took more than a month to decide one out of thirty-two water
points (water taps), but implementation was very smooth after it.
This was the result of good facilitation of the interventionists
together with the provisioning of appropriate knowledge and
skill.
It is still more or less the Same pattern or approach as
1980s regarding the sustainability and ownership of any rural
development activity, In this regard, D. E Setty holds the opinion
that weaker sections of the users' are seldom involved in policy
and decision-making activities (except in labor contribution),
Conversely, the rural elites are involved in these matters who
116 Occasional Papers
The overall scenario of rural development has been
continuously shadowed by the 'top down" or "centralized
development model". In Nepal, even though these days,
government has put the "decentral ization and good governance"
on the top priority concern. the genu ine people's partiCIpation
(empowerment) and real decentralization are far-fetched. dreams.
As the Chairman of Kabre District Development Council (DDC)
and President of DDC of Nepal, Mr. Krishna Prasad Sapkota,
vividly pointed out the present pattern, practice and psychic of
the top policy making body:
Box: I
What happens to decentralize planning in practice?
That the National Planning Commission (NPC) and line
ministries always violets the minimum norms of
decentralized planning in several ways. The NPC sets
district budget ceiling that often fail far below the minimum
needs of the district, and that even writing the total budget
ceiling, sectoral ceilings are prescribed so haphazardly that
the DDC can not set its district priorities. He contends that
massive changes in district budgetary numbers and
programmes occur in the line ministries and NPC: a~d
points out that the NPC sometimes even changes d,strlct
priorities by allocating a higher amount of budget to non-
priority programmes and substantially reducing th.e budget
for priority programmes. It is concluded that there IS lack of
full-fledged decentralization-legal, economiC, plannmg and
political decentralization - in budget formulation and
implementation (UNDP, 2002).
The above view is also supported by Devendra Raj
Panday's observation in his book "Nepal's Failed Development'
(1999). Policy approval for decentralization and personal
dedication of project staff as well as transparency, accountab,ltty
and good organization (good governance) of the community are
vital elements regarding the sustainability of any activity such as
water and sanitation at the community level. Schumacher rightly
1. N. Prasain/ Develapment a/Water Supply... 117
mentioned in his famous book 'Small is Beautiful' that the
development does not start with goods; it starts with people and
their education, organization and discipline. Without these three,
all resources remain latent, untapped potential (Schumacher,
1990).
6.0 Significant Step Towards Sustainability _ A Reality
and Rhetoric
A National Conference in lhapa, 1980 on "Water and
Sanitation Policy Formulation" was instrumental in the matter of
formulating policy and procedures to involve the community in
all aspects of water supply project, even at least in theoretical
framework. The Ministry of Housing and Physical Planning &
Department of Water Supply and Sewerage (MHPP/DWSS) had
published "Directives for Water Supply Projects, Construction
and Management" in 2046 B.S (1989/1990). This was amended
after a year and the main points of that could be summarized as:
beneficiaries were mainly responsible for requesting a new water
supply scheme, formation of users' committee, users' role in
operation, maintenance and repair of the constructed drinking
water scheme. And, Nepal National Rural Water Supply Policy
& Guidelines for Planning & Implementation of Rural Water
Supply Program (DWSS, 1994), is the notable step towards
recognizing the government's role as facilitator rather than the
implementing agency.
Another crucial decision in rural water supply was to
establish a Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Fund (RWSS-
FUND) in 1990 to provide drinking water and sanitation of the
needy communities through the support organizations, the private
sectors (mostly NGOs), CBOs and direct communities partnership.
It was the pilot project with 18.1 million US dollars (Legarian _
1994, and Pfohl 1993 quoted by Narayan, 1995), which is still being
implemented in the different parts of Nepal.
HMG-Nepal/FINNIDA, the Rural Water Supply and Sanitation
Project (R WSSP)- Lumbini Zone of Nepal (1990-1996, 1996-1999,
1999-2003, First, Second, and Third Phases respectively) has
striven to implement the water and sanitation activity. The
implementation procedures followed step-by -step approach
118 Occasional Papers
developed during the first phase and continuously streamlined
which comprised of: (i) request from users; (ii) first screening; (iii)
feasibility study; (iv) training of health workers and school teachers;
(v) health and sanitation behavior data collection; (vi) selection of
the scheme area; (vii) village preparation; (viii) health education
and sanitation campaign; (ix) signing of memorandum of
understanding- agreement; (x) detailed survey; (xi) designs, cost
estimates and bill of quantities; (xii) tendering; (xiii) construction;
and (xiv) completion ceremonies and procedures; and follow-up, to
hand over stake to the concern community in all the project cycle of
the project implementation and management in order to make
scheme sustainable. During this first phase, the counterpart or
executing agency of RWSSP was MHPP/DWSS at the central level
and District Water Supply Office (DWSO) at the district level. The
HMG-N/FIN IDA- RWSS Project in the first phase had put its
efforts to implement water supply and sanitation activity by the
intended community rather than hiring a contractor. During that
period, 54 villages development committees (VDCs) through water
users' had implemented I 10 drinking water schemes serving
234,052 people and 3 I5 institutional toilets were constructed in the
six districts of Lumbini Zone. During the second phase of (1996-
1999) the RWSS Project, changed its implementing partner from
MHPP to MLD at the central level and at the District level DDC
from DWSO. Till 1999, 123,681 (102,181 second phase and 21500
completed from remaining from first phase) people were served by
the improved drinking water supply schemes, namely, gravity flow,
shallow wells, tubewells and rainwater collection tanks. And in the
third phase, it was estimated to serve 2 I6.000 people with drinking
water and 52000 people with sanitation facilities. During this phase,
two districts, namely, Parbat and Tanhaun, from Dhawalagiri and
Gandaki Zones, respectively were also included (RWSSSP
Booklet,). In spite of the progress made during the first and second
phases of RWSS project tenures, critics pointed out that the process
of fostering decentralization has not yet achieved (Sharma, 200 I).
ADB funded Fourth Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Sector
Project (1997-2001) had covered 40 districts and served 850,000
population, much higher than the initially set target. in this phase,
the Project Management had given the due importance of capacity
building by providing training to 25,000 people. (Paribartan, 2058
1. N. Prasain/ Development ofWater Supply ... 119
BS). A recent survey estimates that 80 per cent of households in
Nepal have access to piped or tubewell water (UNDP, 2002).
Almost all the donor-funded projects/agencies working on
water and sanitation sector conduct more or less similar types of
trainings/workshops/seminars to make the concerned community
more aware of their roles and responsibilities. In the series of
trainings/seminars/ workshops organized by different support
organizations, there are three phases, which comprise the inputs
during pre-construction, construction and post construction phases.
The example given below is the pre-construction training for Water
and Sanitation Users' Committee. The duration of the training could
vary according to the emphasis of the organization/s (six days
duration is an sample) and the topics are as follows: First day
program includes registration of the participants, welcome, opening
remarks, introduction about the support organization (SO),
indicating the best possible outcome, objective of the training,
process of project implementation, (briefing on flow-chart), and
role and responsibilities of water and sanitation users' committee on
scheme management. Second day includes introduction of scheme
area, understanding about the memorandum of understanding and
the role and responsibilities of concerned parties, namely, SO and
Water Users Committee (WUC), regarding overall responsibilities
of WUC on the management of scheme, people's participation and
labor contribution. Third day includes how to manage books of
account and record keeping, maintenance/operation fund collection
and its use, provision of maintenance worker, her/his role and
responsibilities. Forth day includes understanding of the
interrelationship among water, health and sanitation, connection
between drinking water and sanitation activities,
techniques/methods on how to keep water safe, its benefits, causes
& consequences due to the use of unsafe water, and its methods of
prevention, transmission of diseases by fecal oral routes, its
negative effects, and its prevention, and importance & urgency of
construction, and use of latrine. Fifth day includes construction of
latrine (practical), and Sharing of experience. And sixth day includes
role and responsibilities of women health volunteer/youth
volunteers, evaluation of the program and closing remarks.
Similarly, during the construction and post construction different
training/seminars/workshops could be organized especially to
provide support to strengthen the concerned community in the
120 Occasional Papers
overall aspects of decision-making and management of any
development initiatives focusing more on their capacity building.
The anecdotal cases assembled from a few rural water
supply schemes from donor- funded projects indicate the increasing
role of users as mangers for the design, implementation, operation
and maintenance. Since DWSS has formulated guidelines in order
to make a drinking water supply schemes sustainable by
strengthening users' (users' representatives) roles and
responsibilities. In this connection, the Participatory Rural
Appraisal (PRA) tools have been used (since 1990 in FINN IDA-
funded water and sanitation projects) for collecting information,
preparing plan, implementation, and evaluation of the water supply
schemes. The boxes below give examples on how the concerned
people's involvement from information to evaluation phases to
sustainability of the water supply and sanitation activities.
Box: 2
Users as Managers
Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Suppon Programme
(RWSSSP) emphasizes the active participation of stakeholders at
all levels to increase their feeling of ownership. Users are
considered as owners and managers of their scheme from the very
beginning. Each phase (from inception to maintenance/operation)
of the scheme calls for the active involvement of rural
communities in a step-by-step manner. This approach has been
developed to involve the villagers in the planning and
implementation and to maximize the proper use of local resources
and facilities. In the step-by-step process the user committee
(users' representatives) is trained on -the -job to organize and
implement their scheme and to improve sanitation in the
community. All construction funds are channeled through the
respective user committee account, which it operates
independently. Villagers collect local materials (sand, aggregate,
stones, wood) and provide unskilled labour for the construction
work free of charge. They also contribute money for construction
and collect fund for the future maintenance needs of their
facilities. Users are responsible for the operation and maintenance
of their facilities after the construction is completed. The user
committees and users are trained and supported in their activities
by local NGOs, private firms and government line agencies.
Source: Booklet, HMG-NIFINNIDA, RWSSSP, Nepal Phase III
/999-2003.
1. N. Prosain! Development ofWater Supply ... 121
Interactive part,clpation in information collection, planning,
implementation, collection of maintenance & operation fund,
and participation in different trainings/workshops become
generally accepted practices in the donor-funded drinking water
supply schemes in the rural areas. The concerned communities,
of late, leap forward to use the 'idle maintenance fund' (which
has been kept in the bank account) to have access as a revolving
loan, to the needy (poor/poorest) members. Among mar.y, the
RWSSSP Phase 1II, 'After Water Supply and Sanitation'
"Nayabelhani Stepping Towards Self-Reliance"- (Risal, 200 I), is
a good example of how people decide what they really want.
Similarly, NEWA funded drinking supply scheme management
committee had also initiated such activity, which is depicted
below in the box.
Box: 3
Increase in Fund by Mobilizing the Operation and Maintenance
Fund
Community Service Center-Janakpur, with the financial and
technical assistance of Nepal Water Aid (NEWA), had
implemented Drinking Water Supply, Health Education and
Sanitation Project in Suganikas Village Development Council area.
The project management committee had demonstrated the
exemplary work in increasing fund. The committee was comprised
of 3 women and 7 men and installed 47 tubewells. For the
maintenance purpose each household had paid NRs. 400/- and for
operation purpose (may be for salary of maintenance worker-
clarification is mine) NRs. 5/- per month from each household. The
maintenance fund had been deposited in Nepal Bank Limited-
Janakpuf Branch. After some time, community members realized
that if they utilize that fund on revolving basis, the poor would have
access to the most wanted capital for their initiation of any income
generation activities (IGA). From the first time, they provided loan
for 5 people at the 2 % interest per month for IGAs.
Source: Korki, L., et ai, PANI (Water), Year-I, Vol.: 2, Water for
Health (N£WA) 2057 BS, Quarterly News Bulletin. (Gis/translated
from Nepali version)
122 Occasional Papers
The above mentioned cases provide the examples of t~e role of
users' on water supply and sanitation from data collectIon phase
to management phase. . . . .,
The quality, quantity and reahblahty of dnnkll1g water
supplies is questionable, even in the cities. Very hIgh levels of e.
coli contamination have been reported 111 the water supplies of
urban areas of the Kathmandu valley. Nepal spends about.3 per
cent of its total national budget on drinking water and sal1ltatlOn
(UNDP, 2002). "Come summer, and there goes the usual tale of
woe. Water! Water! People run here and there to collect d~ops of
water, literally. And people of Kathmandu Valley, especIally 111
area such as Naradevi, Yetkha and Chhetrapatl (may be all parts
of Kathmandu valley, except VIP area/s- within parenthesIs are
mine) are going through hell. The supply of drinking water 's
erratic and even if you are lucky enough to get a bucket of
water,' it is full of filthy substance. It is yellowish. A letter
(Water Woe, The Kathmandu Post: 13 May 2002) sent by R,ta
Shrestha, inhabitant of Chhetrapati, Kathmandu. DespIte the
progress made so far even in the capital: the development hub of
Nepal, the reality is like this. Another vIvId exampl.e 's the .... JIfI
DWSO, installed seven community tap-stands wIthout IInkll1g
them with the source. Indeed, the source was not even sought -
not because the Office lacked technical expertise, but because
the budget had already been allocated ... (Box 4.3- Putting the
Cart Before the Horse, UNDP, 2002). Therefore, the progr~ss
documented on 80% of population coverage by the safe dnnkll1g
water seems to be intricate, rhetorical and confusing. Even the
best theory/law/rule/regulation is fruitless unless it is put into
real practice.
7.0 Key Concerns- Knocking Everybody's Door
~ There should be a full-fledged decentralization-legal,
economic, planning and political decentralization - in
budget formulation and implementation of any
developmental activity at the hand of the grass- roots level
organization, i., e., Village Development CommIttee. The
J. N. Prasain/ Development of Water Supply ... 123
political will power of the parliamentarians towards the
devolution of power to empower the (rural) poor is the
prerequisite for fostering genuine people's participation.
~ To institutionalize the real people's participation from the
beginning of the project/program cycle, vision and mission
building, organizational management system, financial
management systems, organizational accountabil ity norms,
linkages, and learning evaluation effoJ1S (Fernandez,
2000), should be incorporated in the project planning and
be actually translated into the practice. Unless these
components are evolved at the community-based
organization, the people's participation may not be
institutionalized. Policy makers should facilitate the
process congenial to strengthening the grass-roots
organization, and be willing to hand over the stake to the
local people. There should also be sanction of more
resources for public sector investment, keeping in mind the
equity issues.
~ The government should always remember and internalize
that the "wearer knows where the shoes pinch" and let the
wearer to choose the shoes which could fit (and afford)
well on her/his feet. Only then the intended community
members may own any project/program/activity, which
will ultimately be sustainable. It is true in the rural water
supply and sanitation program.
~ Maximum women participation in all the decision-making
bodies should be encouraged, especially in the water and
sanitation program.
=> In every activity, learning, evaluation, and reviewing
should be the integral part of any project or program.
8.0 Conclusions
For long, the development practitioners of water and
sanitation development program thought that development
initiative is a matter of technical issue/expertise and the intended
community was given no decision-making role in the design and
implementation of the water and sanitation schemes. They could
take pal1 in unskilled jobs and minor chores and the contractors
and engineers did implementation. Consequently, the intended
124 Occasional Papers
people, sooner or later, did not feel t~at these implemente~
schemes are "theirs". But gradually, the Importance of people s
participation in decision-making from information collecti~n to
evaluation stages was recognized. However, the weak political
will of the top politicians to decentralize the decision-making
power at the grass-roots level has been one of the biggest hurdles
for achieving genuine people's participation. Decentralization
became "a project" to the politicians to be accomplished, and not
a behavior, cultural and value system to be imparted (Panday,
1990). .
Different organizational options have been emergmg to
serve the needy people. Looking back to 1960s and having a
comparison now, a great progress with 80% percentage coverage
has been achieved. Increasing emphasis on Il software!1 I., e.,
management training to users' representatives on system
management, collection of maintenance fund from the us~rs',
improving personal hygiene and environmental sanitation,
technical training on how to handle operatIon and mamtenance
aspects by the village maintenance worker for up-keeping and
maintaining constructed schemes, is very positive trend. Women,
and intended mass participation in the decision-making level IS
yet to be incorporated for empowering them. Increase In
investment by state as well as community 111 the dnnkll1g rural
water supply and sanitation activity is needed to serve more
people with 'safe" and adequate drinking and affordable
sanitation facilities. There should be guidelines as well as
supports by line ministry and private sectors to the facilitat~rs
and implementers on regularity of supply, service and facIlity
and reliability of quality to be monitored. .
But even in Kathmandu, the capital city of epal, the focal pomt
of all developments, water quantity and quality for the common
people is extremely scarce and contaminated, and progress
documented in different reports looks dubious. There should be
balanced development with due consideration of equity to the
women as well as disadvantaged people to put them in the
decision-making level/position. In spite of this, achievement in
this sector is encouraging, yet to be more sensitive, responsive
1. N. Prasain/ Development oIWaterSupply... 125
towards the people rather only fulfilling target and building
structures in the name of people's development.
EFERENCES
Alexander, K., C., 1994. The Process of Development of Societies,
SAGA Publication, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London.
Axinn, George H., 1978 New Strategy for Rural Development
Collection papers, Michigan State University USA and
Tribhuvan university epal. Published by Rural Life
Associates, Printed in Nepal at Sahayogi press Kathmandu,
Nepal
Bista, D. B., 1994. Fatalism and Development, Nepal's Struggle for
Modernization, (fifth impression), Orient Longman Ltd.
Calcutta.
Blaikie, P., Cameron, J & Seddon, D. 1982 Nepal in Crises, Growth
and Stagnant at the Periphery, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
Bombay, Calcutta and Madras
Boot, M. & Heijnen, H., 1988. Ten Years of Experience, Community
Water Supply and Sanitation Programme, Pokhara, Western
Development Region, epal, Technical Paper No. 26, IRC
International Water and Sanitation Centre, The Hague, The
Netherlands
Burkey, S.,1993 People First, A Guide to Self-Reliant Participatory
Rual Development, Zed Book Ltd., London & New Jersey.
Chamber, R., 1990. Rural Development: Putting the Last First,
Longman Scientific & Technical Co-published in the United
States with John Wiley & sons, Inc., New York.
DWSS, 1994. Nepal National Rural Water Supply Policy &
Guidelines for Planning & Implementation of Rural Water
Supply Program, MHPP, HMG/Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal.
DWSS 2058. PARIBARTAN (Change)-Collection of Water aqd
Sanitation, Ashad 2058, Year I, Vol. DWSS/Fourth Water
Supply and Sanitation Sector Project (Nepali).
Fernandez, A. P., 2002 Assessment ofCol11l11unity Based Institution, A
Theoretical Framework and a Participatory Methodology,
MYRADA Rural Management Systems Series Paper 33-
MYRADA -Banglore, India
126 Occasional Papers
Giri, B. B., 1992 Water, Environment and Management, Tow ends of
the Decade (18th WEDC conference PRE-PRINT) Water,
Engineering and Development with the partnership of Nepal
Engineering Association, Kathmandu, Nepal.
HMG/FINNIDA (Consultant: Plancenter Ltd.)
Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Programme, Nepal Phase 111 1999-
2003 (Leaflet- n.d.), Kathmandu, epal.
MHPPIDWSS, 2047 B. S Directives for Water Supply Projects,
Construction, DWSS- MHPP, Panipokhari, Kathmandu,
Nepal.
NPC 2042 BS The Seventh Plan- (Part-I), National Planning
Commission, HMG/Nepal
NPC 1998. The Ninth Plan, National Planning Commission,
HMG/Nepal
Narayan, D., 1994. The Contribution of People's Participmion,
Evidence from 121 Rural Water Supply ProJect,
Environmentally Sustainable Development Occasional Series
No. I, IBRDIWorld Bank- USA.
Panday, D. R., 1999. Nepal's Failed Development, Reflections on the
Mission and Methods, Nepal South Asia Centre, Kathmandu,
Nepal
Pandey, U 1992. Water, Environment and Management, Role of NGOs
in water and sanitation (18th WEDC conference PRE-PRINT)
Water, Engineering and Development with the partnership of
Nepal Engineering Association, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Peter G. B 1984 Water and Sanitation: Economic and SociologicalP~rspectives, Global water Washington, D. C. Academic Press
INC (Harcut Brace Jovanovich Publisher) London.
Peter G. B., 1988. Ten Years of Experience: Community Water Supply
and Sanitation Programme, Pokhara, Western Developmental
Region, Nepal. By Peter G. Bourne. Technical paper No.26.
IRC International Water and Sanitation Center, The Hague,
The Netherlands.
Pradhannang, A. L. 1991 Principal, Integrated Rural Development
Project of Nepal, Central Department of Economic, Tribhuvan
University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, epal
Prasain, J.N., 1994. An Experience in Community Participation in
Rural Development, internal circulation and sharing with the
J. N. Prasa;,,/ Development ojWater Sapply ... 127
UNDP funded- (HDI) QUIPS Project Staff, Rakhine State of
Myanmar.
Pyakuryal, K.. 1993 Community Development as a Strategy to Rural
Development-Article published in Occasional Papers in
Sociology and Anthropology, Vol.3. Published by Central
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Tribhuvan
University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Schumacher, E. F., 1990. Small is Beautiful, A study of Economics as
if People Mattered, Rupa Co in association with Macdonald &
Co (publishers) Ltd.
Setty D. E., 1985 The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. XLVI, No. I
9April 1985
Sharma, S.200 I Procuring Water, Foreign Aid and Rural Water
Supply in epal, Nepal waters Conservation Foundation,
Kathmandu, Nepal.
Srinivasan, L., 1990. Tools for Community Participation, A Manual for
Training Trainers in Participatory Techniques, Published by
PROWWESSIUNDP, New York
Stiller F., S.J. & Yadav, R. P., 1979. Planning for People, A Study of
Nepal's Planning Experience by Ludwing Sahayogi Prakashan
for Research Center for Nepal and Asian Studies Tribhuvan
University, Kathmandu, Nepal (first edition)
Trace, S., & Whiteside, G 1991.Water, Environment and Management
(18th WEDC conference PRE-PRINT) Water, Engineering
and Development with the partnership of Nepal Engineering
Association, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Kathmandu Post 2002. Water Woe, by Rita Shrestha, The
Kathmandu Post, (English Daily) Vol. X No. 84, May 13,
2002, Kantipur Publication, Kathmandu, Nepal.
UNDP, 2002. Nepal Human Development Report-200 I, Poverty
Reduction and Governance, UNDP, Pulchowk, Kathmandu,
Nepal
HEALER CHOICE IN MEDICALLY
PLURALISTIC CULTURAL SETTINGS: AN
OVERVIEW OF NEPALI MEDICAL
PLURALISM
Madhusudan Sharma Subedi'
Introduction
Cross-cultural comparison of medical setting around the
world led to the formulation of general models of the
relationships between the various medical traditions within
single settings. The study of human confrontation with disease
and illness, and of the adaptive arrangements made by human
groups for dealing with ever-present danger has come to be a
special branch of anthropology called medical anthropology. It is
one of the youngest and most dynamic of the various branches of
anthropology. It concerns with a wide variety of health related
issues, including the etiology of the disease, the preventive
measures that humans as members of socio-cultural systems
have constructed or devised to prevent the onset of the diseases,
Mr. Subedi is an anthropologist and has been associated with Central
Department of Sociology/Anthropology in the capacity of Part-time
Lecturer.
The information used in this paper were collected in the year July-
December 1999 for my M. Phil. thesis in Social Anthropology. University
of Bergen. Norway. and January -March 2002 for personal research. I am
grateful (0 Norwegian Agency for International Development and
Cooperation (NORAD) for financial support. I would like (0 thank Prof.
Gunnar Haaland. University of Bergen for his comment on earlier draft of
this paper.
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Chaice in Medically ... 129
and the curative measures that they have created in their efforts
to eradicate the diseases or at least to mitigate its consequences.
Recently there has been a surge in publications, which
address the importance of incorporating the 'body' in theories
about the world of ' social reality'. In a given individual or social
network, people's understandings of how their body functions
influence health practices, symptom evaluation, and taking
remedial actions. Help may be sought from a number of sources
in the patient's social network, including friends, family,
traditional healers, and the professionals (Christakis et al. 1994;
Subedi 200Ia). This is connected with a growth of medical
anthropology and its interest in exploring the interface between
natural processes, which affect the bodies we 'are living in' and
socio-cultural processes in terms of which 'people understand
and cope with the health of their bodies'. Our survival as
individual human beings depends on natural processes
maintaining the health of our bodies. These processes involve an
interaction between natural processes internal to the body
organism and processes involved in the physical interaction of
our bodies with a natural environment. Like for any other species
these processes are subject to 'natural law'. However, in contrast
to other species, humans are not endowed with a genetically
transmitted repertoire of behaviors, which allow a viable
interaction in a natural environment. The genetically transmitted
repertoires have been softened and weakened to such an extent
that human beings neither orient themselves in their world nor
communicate with each other without acquiring a great deal of
knowledge through learning (Elias, 1991). In Geertz's words,
"man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself
has spun (1973:5)." These webs are clarified through elaborate
symbolic exposition.
Without growing up in a context of cultural webs to
interpret the interaction between the embodied self and its
natural and social environment, the human an imal is
impossibility. In other words, humans are situated in an
environment that entails both a natural dimension and a
culturally cwmstructed one. This "social environment" is an
intrinsic system of interaction between nature and culture, which
130 Occasional Papers M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically... 131
In order to understand the events of health se!king
behavior, I have reviewed Nepali medical pluralism and
observed healing and referral process in Kathmandu Valley. I
found it necessary to place them in the context of wider
traditions of knowledge and institutional arrangements they are
embedded in. Specifically, I have Focused this study to provide
the answers to the following questions:
How do the people in Nepal understand and create
meanings on their bodily afflictions?
is created under the specific physical limits and imposes various
material constraints upon human population. As humans we can
only experience nature as we culturally construct it, imbue it
with meaning, and interact with it in ways that fit within our
particular cultural frame of understanding and emotion (Baer et
aI., 1997:39).
In this context the most important aspect of this cultural
breakthrough is that it implies self-consciousness ability to see
one's embodied self in the perspective of the unavoidability of
bodily death. It seems reasonable to assume that the human
consciousness of death makes the health of the human body a
Fundamental concern everywhere, and that this as the general
starting point For my description and analysis of the way people
in Nepal, cope with health in their natural and social
environments.
The impact of a multiple tradition of medicine on health
services remains an area little understood in Nepal. Hence, in
determining the factors affecting the different types of health-
care traditions within a medically pluralistic cultural setting, it is
essential to understand how the presence of medical pluralism
may be related to or affect the choice and decision to seek
different health-care services. I argue that the research on
explanation of illness causality sheds light on health care
behavior. Examinations of etiologies entail an exploration of folk
epidemiology, factors which lead to vulnerability and
susceptibility, as well as what can be done to avoid the risks.
Methods and Materials \
How do they relate their health problems with social
and natural environments?
What sorts of range of therapeutic traditions are
available and practiced in Kathmandu Valley?
What are the main causes behind the acceptance of
different medical traditions?
What are the methods used by healers in their healing
practices in Kathmandu Valley?
How and why are the choices made between and within
the various options?
The research I describe here is designed to explore the
systematic patterns of healers and laypersons concerning illness
categories in relation to actual behaviors involving those illness
and help seeking behaviors in Kathmandu Valley, where I
intended to study the diverse healing practices from the point of
view of both healers and laypersons. The basic method of data
collection for this study was observation along with formal and
informal discussions with healers as well as patients. Interviews
with different healers took place at the medical shops, health
posts, doctor's private clinics (both allopathic medicine and
acupuncture therapy), and in the horne of those (local healers
both male and female) with whom I talked. I also discussed
formally or informally with different people at teashops,
informal gatherings and houses of different informants to
understand the lay perception towards different medical
traditions as well as within the medical tradition.
Several chains of subjects were developed
simultaneously and I followed up those chains that widened the
demography. I often followed a sequence of contacts, beginning
with local administrators, local health authorities, and the other
leaders in the political and administrative hierarchy. The number
of conversations and other contacts with these informants varied
greatly, depending on their availability, their breadth of
information, and willingness to spend many hours with me. My
argument here is that the part of people's ideas in terms of which
they explain and handle can be seen as their theory of illness. I
wanted to know how people (patients as well as healers) describe
their health. For example, what are the locally defined illnesses?
132 Occasional Papers
What are thought to be the causes and the degree of severity and
symptoms? What treatments are sought? From whom? I also
wanted people to talk about their explanation for their state of
health; what they identify about themselves or their physical or
social environments as important, and what, if anything, they
believe can or should do to protect or enhance their health.
One further interesting venue of research was the
attitude of different healers towards the other healing practices
and the extent, which the therapy traditions overlap or diverge.
My intention was to focus on the interaction of healers and the
patients, and how they deal with the different cases of dlness
they are confronted with.
Theoretical Framework
People construct multiple and discrepant worlds by
means of different traditions of knowledge available to them. We
need to discover how much the different constructions are in fact
distributed in their action and interactions (Barth 1993 :271).
Following this idea, I have developed my conceptual framework.
Understanding of Bodily Afflictions and Explanatory Models
Human illness is not only a physical condition but a
symbolic one as well. What we experience as health or illness is
based on the perceptual judgements we make about the relative
quality of our physical and psychological condition. The
meanings individuals assign to their health status are strongly
influenced by their cultural backgrounds and experiences. These
culturally based meanings strongly influence the health care
choices and decisions they make, their relative confidence in
their health care providers and the treatment regimen, and even
their actual physical responses to health care treatment.
In understanding bodily afflictions, it is useful, in my
view, to consider the types of questions that people ask
themselves when they feel unwell, or when they experience any
sudden, unexpected events in their daily lives. My theoretical
framework, in this thesis, is mostly based on people's
understanding of the culturally constructed reality. I argue that
the reality can only be fully understood by examining the
specific contexts in which an ill person's socio-economic
M. S. Subedi/ Heoler Choice in Medically... t33
organizations and dominant worldviews are patterned. Kleinman
(1980) has suggested a useful way of looking at the process by
which illness is patterned, interpreted and treated, which he
terms the 'Explanatory Models'. This is defined as the notions
about an episode of illness and its treatment that are employed
by all those engaged in the healing process. Both patients and
practitioners hold explanatory models, and they offer
explanations of illness and treatment to guide choices among
available therapies and therapists and to cast personal and social
meaning on the experience of illness. The explanatory model for
a particular illness consists of (i) signs and symptoms by which
the illness is recognized; (ii) presumed causes of illness; (iii)
recommended therapies, (iv) the pathophysiology of the illness;
and (v) prognosis (Kleinman, 1980: I05-7).
As Kleinman points out, individuals are likely to have
quite vague and indefinite models of explanations for their
illnesses, depending on past experiences of the patients and his/
her circle of kin and friends. This tendency in research arose, in
part, in relation to the growth of cultural pluralism, especially in
matters of health and illness (Pelto and Pelto, 1996).
Knowledge and Concerns
Knowledge in itself is the result of a learning process
that is strongly influenced by a number of factors. Once
internalized this knowledge becomes belief. Each medical
tradition provides a range of beliefs from which people make
their reality and the culturally constructed reality. Healers and
lay belief about health and ill-health may differ widely, and these
influence the types of conditions that people bring to healers,
how they present themselves to the healers, the types and quality
of treatment that they are given. A major emphasis here is on
exploring the variation within both lay and professional views.
Connected to those considerations of knowledge and concerns, I
have used Barth's (J 993 :5) idea of variation to make a sense of it
in people's health seeking behavior as:
• There are variations in the definition of illness, and each
medical tradition provides a unique cause and treatment
for a distinctive set of illnesses. Thus the over-
134 Occasional Papers
generalization is perhaps the most serious and frequent
weakness ofresearch on health seeking behavior.
• There are variations in level of "expertise ,. withill the
same medical tradition in the populatioll. There is nO
identical, highly rigid pattern of the expertise. That is the
interpretation given concerning the cOllses of illness and
medicine prescribed varies within the same medical
tradition.
These variations are important for better understanding
of the lives of people, through processes involving those people's
own ideas and activities. The different styles of knowledge
transmission generate deep differences in the form, scale, and the
distribution of the knowledge (Barth, 1990:640). The knowledge
that is acquired, retained, and transmitted contains the key to
explaining variations.
The Arts of Impression Managemcnt
In each medical tradition, we can see the interaction as a
"performance", shaped by the envirollment and audiences,
constructed to provide others with "impressions" that are
consonant with the desired goals of the actor (Goffman,
1959: 17). Each healer promotes the psychological excitement for
a realization ofa goal. In this way, a healer develops an identity
or persona as a function of interaction with others through an
exchange of information that allows for a more specific
definition of identity and behavior. There is often a tendency for
all types of healers to try to present themselves in such a way as
to impress their patients in a socially desirable way. Thus
impression management has, in my view, considerable
implications for areas ofheahh and healing.
Medical Anthropology
Health and ill-health are biological phenomena but their
distribution and scale in particular populations are affected by
the knowledge (including value pattern, technology, and view of
the universe) and the social ties in terms of which people interact
with their natural habitat. III other words, there is 3n intimate
linkage between disease, medicine and human culture. In part,
M. S. Subedil Healer Choice in Medically ... 135
cultures are the responses made by human groups in the path of
successful adaptation. Conceptualization of disease, including
etiology diagnosis, prognosis or cure, all are part of the cultural
repertory and equipment of human beings. Various
conceptualizations of ill-health or disease can consequently not
be understood apart from an understanding of the culture and
social structure of groups holding them (Blustain, 1976;
Helman, 1996; Kleinman, 1980; Stone, 1976; Lesl ie, 1978;
1980; Justice, 1986; Levitt, 1988; Subedi, 1989; Durkin-
Longley, 1984; Streelland, 1985; Dixit, 1999).
Medical anthropology looks at cultural conceptions of
the body, health and illness. It also focuses on health behavior as
a way to learn about social values and social relations. In western
research traditions, medical sciences have made important
contributions to understanding of the natural laws, which
regulate the operation of these processes. A vast institutional
complex has emerged directed towards further development of
the medical research tradition (often referred to as biomedicine,
allopathic medicine, modern medicine, western medicine or
cosmopolitan medicine) and training of practitioners qualified to
prescribe treatment to health seeking clients. The western
medical tradition involves both knowledge about how the
general environmental interactions (for example, food habits and
hygienic practices) affect the body, and knowledge about how a
specific treatment (prescription of medicines and surgical
operations) may counteract particular disease. The disciplinary
fields include genetic, paleopathology, epidemiology, nutrition
and demographic anthropology.
Ethnomedical studies of health and healing are a second
major emphasis in medical anthropology. This approach often
attempts to discover the insiders' viewpoints in describing and
analyzing health and systems of healing. Among the topics
studied in this field are ethnoscience, ethnopharmacology,
shamanism, and use of alternative therapies, medical pluralism
and others. Third, many anthropologists focus their work on
social problems and carry out interventions through applied
medical anthropology. Among the areas of this subfield are
studies of addictions, disabilities, and mental health issues;
136 Occasional Papers
public health and family planning; clinical anthropology and
health care delivery in pluraJistic setting.
Whatever their disciplinary orientation, whether
biomedicine, ethnomedicine, or policy and intervention work,
many medical anthropologist agree that the concept of
adaptation, defined as change and modification that enable a
person or group to survive in a given environment, is a core
theoretical construct of the field (McElroy and Townsend, 1996).
The application of medical anthropology have contributed much
to our understanding of the mechanism by which modern
medicine and health programs are introduced into, get accepted
or get rejected by different societies. The medical
anthropological literature abounds with the theoretical discussion
and case studies on the persistence of traditional medical
practices and practitioners even in the presence of modern
medicine, description of traditional medical systems in pluralistic
medical setting.
By the early 1960s, the term medical anthropology has
come to be used increasingly by anthropologists working in and
around problems in health and disease in human societies.
Therefore, it is not surprising that an anthropological study of
health and occurrence and means of coping with disease can
involve one deeply in the manner in which people perceive their
world, in the characteristics of the human social system and in
social values (Good, 1994). In this perspective, medical
anthropology is not only a way of viewing the state of health and
disease in society, but a way of viewing society itself (Lieban,
1977). One can not really understand how people react to illness,
death or other misfortunes without understanding the type of
culture that they have grown up in, or acquired -that is, of the
lens through which they are perceiving and interpreting their
world. In addition to the study of culture, it is also necessary to
examine the social organization of health and illness in that
society (the health care traditions) which includes the ways in
which people have become recognized as ill, the way that they
present their illness to other people, the attributes of those they
present their illness to, and the ways that the illness is dealt with.
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 137
The particular tradition of western medical knowledge and its
accompanying health care tradition represent one way of dealing
with illness. Other societies have developed different
understandings with different types of healers and medical
traditions to deal with the fundamental concern of health. It is
within the subject matter of anthropology to deal with socio-
cultural contexts of medical traditions and their practitioners and
clients wherever they are found whether in so called western or
non-western societies. However with its comparative perspective
the anthropologists have been particularly interested to
understand the conceptualization of illness and healing traditions
in different parts of the world. In an applied context
anthropological investigations can provide a most important
insight into the way different medical traditions are
institutionally embedded in particular societies and of the
conditions (symbolic as well as material) which affect people'S
choices with regard to which health practitioner they seek out
when illness strike.
The existence of several therapeutic traditions in a single
cultural setting, is an especially important feature of medical care
in the developing world (Leslie, 1978). Patients may feel
uncertain as to what type of care provider can cure their illness,
leading them to consult different medical therapists. Or they may
decide that treatment of certain illness requires more than one
type of assistance. Generally care is sought from several types of
providers and medical traditions concurrently or sequentially.
The practitioners of different medical traditions may interact
with each other in a variety of ways - at times they borrow the
ideas and knowledge from one another, compete with and
oppose the other system, they may co-operate with one another
developing referral systems or they may simply co-exist
independently of one another (Kleinman, 1980: Levitt, 1988:
Subedi, 1989).
The pluralistic character of health and medical system in
almost everyone society, be it simple or complex is being
increasingly recognized (Minocha, 1980). This pluralism may
receive state recognition and patronage, or the state may
discourage it or remain neutral to its existence.
138 Occasional Papers
Understanding Medical Pluralism
Although medical pluralism has been defined differently
by different scholars, most of them have common understanding
about it. Firstly, it may mean the coexIstence of ITIllitlple
traditions of medicine, including what are called folk sectors,
popular sectors and professional sectors (Kleinman, 1980) which
present multiple choices of therapeutic traditions to the
individual (Durkin-Longley, 1984; Minocha, 1980). Kleinman(1980) developed a widely used model that recognizes three
overlapping sectors in the health care traditions. The popular
sector consists of health care conducted by ill persons
themselves, their families, relatives, social network, and
communities. It includes a wide variety of therapies, such as
special diets, herbs, exercise, rest, baths, or over-the counter
drugs. Kleinman, who has conducted research in Taiwan,
estimates that 70 % to 90% of the treatment episodes on that
island occur in the popular sector. The folk sector encompasses
healers of various sorts who function informally and often on a
quasi-legal or sometimes, given local laws, an illegal basis.
Examples include herbalists, midwives, mediums and magicians.
The professional sector encompasses the practitioners and the
bureaucracies of both biomedicine and professionalized
heterodox medical traditions, such as ayurvedic and unani
medicine in South Asia, herbal medicine and acupuncture in
People's Republic of China. Each sector emphasizes the position
of patients and healers within different clinical realities. Each
type of healers in such a context typically attracts clients from a
cross-section of society. Moreover, clients in these settings often
try to seek around for therapy making use of more than one of
the different therapeutic types available to them during a single
illness episode, either simultaneously or in succession (Subedi,
1989).
Secondly, it may mean the choices within the particular
tradition. An individual has not only a choice between consulting
an ayurvedic practitioner or one practicing allopathic medicine,
but within allopathic medicine, he has a choice to go the hospital(of a particular typc) or to a doctor in a private clinic or health
post, or medicine seller in a village or a town, in a nearby or a
M. S. Subedi! Healer Choice in Medically ... 139
distant city. Then there is pluralism in the types of personnel
who contribute to the practice of same medical tradition. Apart
from specialists and other registered medical practitioners, there
are other personnel, including nurses, technicians, dispensers and
others who not only help the doctors but independently advise
and work as medical persons (Dixit, 1999; Justice, 1986;
Kristvik, 1999),
Extending the meaning of medical pluralism further, one
may notice medical pluralism in people's conception of disease
and illness, their resort to medical practices belonging to
different systems, and their responses to other medical
dimensions. For instance, inhabitants can categorize their
illnesses as personalistic versus naturalistic (Foster and
Anderson, 1978), natural versus supernatural (Devekota, 1984)
dichotomy. Villagers resort to indigenous healers for
supernatural causes of illness and to allopathic healers for natural
causes of illnesses.
To this extended meaning of medical pluralism, one
could add the pluralism among the medical practitioners
themselves. There is considerable evidence that the general
practitioner draws from varied systems in his medical practice.
For example, an ayurvedic practitioner may incorporate the
stethoscope, opthalmoscope and other instruments and drugs
from modern medicine into his kit, and germ and virus theories
in his explanatory armoury. Similarly, practitioners of the
modern medicine may explain dietary restrictions in terms of
hot-cold dichotomy of ayurveda (M inocha, 1980).
Medical Pluralism includes both the cognitive and social
system aspects of healing and treatment traditions. The cognition
dimension relates to a wide range of medical concepts, values,
attitudes, and beliefs that serve as guidelines for health action
and practices. Thus, it is easily possible that in one illness
episode people have different theories of causality among the
various medical traditions. The social system dimension refers to
the different economic, institutional and organizational aspects
of treatment and health-care delivery system. In looking at health
care pluralism) wherever it occurs) it is 3n impOItanl to examine
140 Occasional Papers
both the cognitive and social aspects of health care available to
the individual patient.
A Sketch of Nepali Medical Pluralism
The daily life of health and healing in Nepal is
comprised of a wide range of medical beliefs, knowledge and
practices, and of distinctive categories of funct,ona:,es ,:,cludll1g
medical doctors (specialized in allopathic medicine) , health
assistants, nurses, dispensing chemists and phannaclsts;
acupuncture therapists, Tibetan medical practitioners, ayurvedlc-
practitioners, Unani medical practitioners' folk healers, tantnc
healers, spiritual healers, dhallli-jhClllkris (shama~ls), herbal
doctors, traditional birth attendants, and other practitioners. Non
formal or even illegal medical traditions are available as
numerous alternative therapies. In the application of their
medical knowledge, these doctors and healers use different
1 use the term "allopathy" in this paper to be neutral. Although. here. I am
not going to specify the terminological issues. din~n;nt. wrile~s .ha~e u~edthe words like "cosmopolitan", "western", "modern. "blOmedlcmc whIchis synonymous with aflgre=i (English) system. ~s Leslie. (197?) notes. to
call it "modern medicine" suggests a conlrasllvc relatIOnship to some
conservative "traditional medicine: to call it "scientific medicine" suggests
that other medical systems are unscientific. Similarly. (Q call it "western
medicine" is to overlook its use in other parts or the world. However. thesedificrent words arc used synonymously to rerer to the allopathic.l~cdicine.Practitioners of this tradition in Nepal are called doctors (phySICians and
surgeons). health assistants. nurscs. assistant nurse midwives. and so on.
Ayurveda. literally "the knowledge of life". rekrs. to the .vast b~d.y or
ancient Hindu \ileratlln: concerned with health and disease. 1 he tr.adltlonalpractitioners in this tradition arc usually cal~ed }.:av.iraj an.d \'Clidya 111 Nepal.Similarly. the word Vaidya refcrs to a Wide variety 01 hcalers. A bro~ddivision can be made between those who stick exclusively to ayurvedlc
methods and diagnoses. and those who make usc of an eclcctic mix of
ayurveda. astrology and trantric rituals. The lallt;r arc ~alled jahrphllke
vaidyas. that is. who usc the tcchnique jiwnllI (swcepll1g) and pill/klill(blowing). Both ayurvedic practitioners and ritual healers a~e not sharplydistinguished in local usage. I-Iowcwr. medical gmdllatt:s 01 ayurveda are
now called doctors.} The Unani tradition of medicine came to Nepal through Islam and its
traditional practitioners are usually referred to as hakims. Medical graduates
of the Unani are also now called doctors.
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 141
forms of diagnosis, therapy and medicines. They elaborate,
develop and modify the old traditions and make new ones.
Although a certain variation in medical knowledge,
specialization and curing practices is found in almost all
societies, in epal this variation is pervasive, and it may be the
manifestations of cultural pluralism that characterizes many
Asian civilizations.
The state funded health services, for example in Nepal,
are also pluralistic in character. There is not only one type of
health service in the country, nor is there uniformity among
various health services. To name only a few, there are the Police
and Army Hospitals preferred for them and their family,
Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital and other private or
public Medical Colleges Hospitals, Mission Hospitals and
numerous others. Within the Kathmandu Valley itself it is
estimated that there are more than 350 agencies, government,
private, missionary and community managed hospitals, health
centers, health posts, sub health posts, and the others. Service
charges, outdoor times and indoor facilities and specialties are
different in each health institution.
Within the pluralistic medical setting, symptoms and
associated causes of illness or health problems determine which
practitioner one seeks initially for help and which treatment one
expects or requests. However, a single illness may have
completely different theories of causality among the various
medical traditions. Therefore, it is not surprising that in one
illness episode people may seek help from practitioners from
more than one medical tradition until they are cured.
In order to understand the health care choice people
make during their health complication episodes, it is important to
recognize the various medical traditions, which innuence
people's medical decisions. In Nepal, the several medical
traditions with their independent classification of illness, theories
of disease causality, diagnostic methodologies, practitioners and
treatment therapies present the health seeker with a wide menu
of alternatives to choose from. Below are descriptions of three
medical settings and their associated traditions. It should be
noted that there are wide variations in practices and the beliefs
142 Occasional Papers
among different ethnic groups found in the country. The
following is a very simplified version of these systems to provide
the reader with some sense of distinctions between them.
Household Based Self Medication
The concept of "household production of health"
recognizes that a person's access to and use of various forms of
treatment are connected to his or her social power in relation to
other household members. Here, a "household" is examined
rather than a "family", as a household may be easier to define. A
household in this case may include, for example, other relatives
Iiving in the same house. Household productions of health
examine how household members cooperate and compete for
resource in order to restore, maintain and promote health.
Caretakers attend to the patient through examinations, diagnosis
and treatments.
Medical condition necessitatzs a variety of changes in a
household. Indeed, the full extent of the resource and
responsibilities, which need to be negotiated, may not be
recognized by outside observers. These include fees for
medications, analyses and examinations, transportation costs,
arrangement for accompaniment, and loss of a worker and more
likely of two workers either in wages of housework. All of these
factors, and no doubt more, can influence heath-care seeking
decisions. A consideration of the impact of the medical condition
to the household helps explain why patients may come to the
hospital too late for treatment.
As mentioned, a member's access to health care is often
influenced by his or her position within the household. One
member may receive immediate treatment or the more
prestigious treatment, while another member may receive care
only if the symptoms are prolonged or may receive less
prestigious treatments, such as home remedies. Among the
characteristics influencing a person's status within the household
are his or her age, gender, generation, marital status and work
status. Because of the variations in roles and responsibilities
within a household, medical condition of various members affect
the household differently. Since members' status within the
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 143
household vary as does the impact of their illnesses, then their
access to treatment also differs.
Further, a person's position within the household not
only influences his/ her access to medical care but also
influences his/her sick role behavior. Thus a I;igh status
IIldlvldual or wage earner may receive concern and medical
attention over a cough, whereas a lower status individual may
have to really moan in order to appear sick enough to receive
attention. When an illness strikes, the afflicted person generally
does not cope individually- whole network of supporting social
ties are mobilized. The composition of members in this network
is of course decided by the structural principles according to
which right and obligations as well as emotional involvement tie
individuals to each other in enduring groups.
In epal, the most important group is the patriarchal
hOl~sehold (nuclear or joint). Although there is significant
variatIons among households with regard to social, cultural and
economic 'capital' (Bourdieu, 1977), one of their dominant
concerns is biological reproduction. Socialization of its children
and provision of livelihood for their members, households
everywhere in Nepal, is the immediate group, which is mobilized
when a disease strikes. Important stores of knowledge
transmitted within households are brought into play when the
health of its members is threatened. Exclusively households
support the children, old and disabled members of the family.
Almost all households, at least at the initial stage of
illness, utilize a fairly wide stock of intergenerationally
transmitted as well as newly acquired knowledge and practices
of healing to nurse the ill back to good health. The localized
nature of society, limited access to, and relatively low quality of
public health institutions and the prohibitive costs of allopathic
med,cll1e and modern health services also force most households
to rely on home remedies which span from divination to faith
healing and the use of local herbs. Increasingly, they also involve
the use of off-the-counter allopathic drugs, which remain almost
completely unregulated (NESAC, 1998). Using massage,
admll1lsterlng herbs, manually removed obstructions, applying
heat compresses and recommending dietary restrictions and
144 Occasional Papers
prescriptions are the major self-medication practices in Nepal.
Generally such medical problems are first treated at the home
with some remedies suggested by relatives and neighbors. It is
only after several attempts fail that a specialist is called in.
While access to the health post or hospitals are easier than in the
past (MoH, 1997), home based system of remedies are playing
an important role in health seeking behavior. For example,
almost 90 percent of the childbirth in Nepal take place at home
rather than in such f.acilities (NESAC. 1998). The rise and
expansion of institutions for enhancement of. individual-based
knowledge (for example, hospitals and other health institutions)
call be expected to change in its structure.
Local Indigenous Medical Traditions
In aeneral when the home remedy to cure an ill person
" ,
fails, a larger net of intervening agents are brought in, namely
community level healers. They may vary among and within
religions; ethnic groups and locally they operate without any
government recognition of formal coordination. Their medical
traditions and practices may be based on religion and beliefs
regarding cosmos, ideas about cultural construction of persons.
personal relationships between humans and the cnvironment, and
diet. Healers often specialize in particular techniques and which
specialist is consulted depends on the nature of illness itself.
In terms of religion one's health or ill health can be
attributed to one's relationship with the spirit of. world of anti-
gods (demons) and gods (whether one has satisfied or angered
them), the relationship between the deeds of one's past lives and
one's present Iife's predest ination (f.ate), and one's deeds
according to Hindu and Buddhist scripture (virtuous or sinful
(Hitchock and Jones 1976; Dietrich 1998; Miller 1979). In this
tradition one explains illness in terms of dl",rllla (religion) or
karllla (fate). prevents illness by properly attending to ritual,
making promises to the gods, giving offerings and doing
sacrifice, through prayer, and by following the scripture. Illness
is diagnosed and cured by jyolisis (astrologers), guru-purohits
(priests), or monks through prayers and rilLJals.
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically... 145
The magical spirit world affects health and can cause
illnesses through the network of angry ghosts (spirits of persons
who have died in violent or other unnatural deaths), monster-like
bhut-prets (spirits), angry gods and anti-gods, and bokshis
(witches-person who can cast evil spells by performing inverted
religious rituals). Illness in this tradition is believed to be caused
by "supernatural attacks (Iagu, lagu-bhagu) resulting from
jealousy (especially in the case of witches) or one's having
ignored or offended a spirit. Attacks can be in the form of
possession or some type of physical harm. Specialists who help
to diagnose and cure illness brought on by such attacks are
commonly referred to as faith healers including sorcerers (those
who can cast and break spells and have the ability to
communicate with the spirit world), shamans (those who go into
spirit possession trances, can perform exorcism and can act on
the behalf of spirits), and mediums or jannelllallche (those who
can act as transmitters between the spirit world and the non spirit
world). One study (reference year 1977) estimated the number of
various categories offaith healers between 400,000 to 800,000 in
Nepal (Shrestha and Lediard, 1980) for a population of Ca. 13
million people, which roughly translates one faith healer for
every six households. The number of doctors at the same time
was 500, and the number of nurses 334 (Shrestha and Lediard,
1980:34). This figure can itself be taken as an indication of the
legitimacy of the tradition. Different research findings (for
example, Okada, 1976, Durkin-Longley, 1984, Gellner, 1994)
show that even next to the hospital in Kathmandu Valley,
traditional healers are many, and in high demand. Diagnosis is
done by going into trance, divination, and by inquiring about and
observing physical symptoms. Prevention of attack is done
through rituals, by providing the individual with an amulet, by
being careful not offend spirits or persons suspected of being
witches, by keeping a fire lit, by being cautious of persons seen
at night and by staying away from haunted places. Treatment is
done by chanting mantras and shouting at the spirits to leave the
person's body, violent exorcisms by which the patient is burned,
frightened and beaten until the spirits flee the patient's body, and
by giving offerings and doing sacrifices. The significant role of
146 Occasional Papers
local healers has been widely noted (Blustain, 1976, Okada,
1976; Wake, 1976, Stone, 1976) in different parts of epal. The
majority of sick persons in the rural area, who eventually visit
the allopathic healers, consult the traditional healers first as the
hierarchy of resort.
Ayurvedic, Homeopathic and Unani Traditions
The ayurvedic medicine is based on the classical
Sanskrit medical tradition of 'Ayurveda' (literally "science of
life"). This tradition of healing has been practiced in South Asia
since ancient times. It bases itself on a well-developed system of
physiological characteristics of the ill person, symptoms of
illness and detailed pharmacological knowledge of herbs and
their processing techniques.
Within the ayurvedic medical tradition a person's body
is composed of prakri!i (the female component of the cosmos
which forms the body) and three dosas (humors) (wind, bile, and
phlegm) which are responsible for all bodily processes. The
equilibrium of the dosas maintains health and imbalance results
in ill health. In this tradition, diseases or disorders are caused by
physiological imbalances resulting from poor food habits,
environmental changes, and shock to the system. Diagnosis is
done by pulse reading, physical examination, and appraisal of
symptoms. Disorders are treated with herbal medicines, diet
control, lifestyle control, surgery, meditation, and changing
one's environment. Many Nepalese believe in its efficacy in the
long run, that is, as capable of achieving more permanent healing
with no harmful side effects.
The government of Nepal has formally recognized this
medical tradition in Nepal. There are several government-
affiliated institutions of ayurveda. For example, there is an
ayurvedic campus in Kathmandu under the Institute of Medicine,
Tribhuvan University, and the Department of Ayurveda in the
Ministry of Health, and some recognized health centers and
pharmacies. Some ayurvedic practitioners have their own private
clinics. Ayurvedic doctors attend the medical schools either in
Nepal or in India for a degree in Ayurvedic Medicine and
Surgery. As early as the mid-eighties it had been estimated that
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 147
there were 1500-2000 ayurvedic practitioners in epal and 113
government ayurvedic dispensaries (Streenfland, 1985). Most
ayurvedic healers in Nepal work within the private domain.
Recently, ayurvedic healing in the public sector is performed
through one central ayurvedic hospital with 50 beds, one IS-bed
zonal hospital, 172, dispensaries in 55 districts, and a central
drug-manufacturing unit (MoH, 1997). However, fewer
resources are devoted to them than to allopathic medicine.
Homeopathy was introduced in Nepal as early as 1920 as a
natural healing system. Homeopathic healing is largely a private
sector initiative, which encompasses approximately 500
practitioners and 100 clinics (MoH 1997). Within the public
sector, there is only one homeopathic facility with
hospitalization facilities for six patients.
The unani healing tradition, with preventive, promotive
and curative services, has an extremely limited reach. In
addition, the Tibetan healing tradition, acupuncture therapy,
Japanese healing cults (Seimeiko), and naturopathy are also
practiced in the selected areas of the country.
Allopathic Medical Tradition
This tradition is based on the germ theory of disease and
studies of anatomy and physiology. The worldview that has
shaped the allopathic medicine is commonly referred to as the
mechanistic paradigm'. The characteristic of this mechanistic
paradigm is the separation of the component part and emphasis
on the detail study of it. According to this tradition i1lhealth,
manifested by various signs and symptoms, results from
pathological processes in the biochemical function of the body.
In this medical tradition health and normality are defined by
reference to certain physical and biochemical parameters, such as
weight, height, blood pressure, heart rate or visual activity. For
each measurement there is a numerical range-the normal value-
4 The mechanistic paradigm describes the notion ofth~ body as a machine.
disease as the consequence orthc: breakdown of the machine:. and Iht:
doctor's task as a repairer to Ihe machine.
148 Occasional Papers
within which the individuals are normal and healthy. Above or
below these ranges are abnormal condition. This model is the
conceptual tool for the analysis of the bodily problem for
allopathic medical practitioners in Nepal.
In this tradition, medical treatment is based on the theory
that a disease can be carried from person to person, through the
air, the blood or bodily secretions or from contact with a septic
object or substance. Officially, the allopathic medicine was
introduced in epal at the end of the nineteenth century when
the Bir Hospital was established in Kathmandu. Organized
development of allopathic services started in mid-1950s. This
system is formally associated with the public health care delivery
in epaI through the Ministry of Health and a number of private
offices staffed by physicians, public health professionals, nurses,
midwives, health assistants, pharmacists, village health workers,
and trained volunteers. Diagnosis are made by the physical
examinations, appraising symptoms, taking blood pressure,
doing the laboratory test of blood, urine and stool, taking the
body temperature, taking X-ray, and doing cathscans. Treatments
are given through the injections, medicines, blood transfusion,
surgery, and electric shock, bed-rest, recommending changes in
behaviors or diets, and physiotherapy. Prevention of diseases and
illnesses are done through immunizations, health education and
promotion, birth control, dietary restrictions, and an early
examination and screening tests. Nepali people have a
considerable faith in the technology of allopathic medicine,
particularly in injections and antibiotics (Gellner, 1994). A wide
range of allopathic medicine manufactured in India and Nepal
are freely available without an authorized person's prescriptions.
The in-charge of medicine sellers at medical halls (so called
pharmacies) who lack any formal training are selling the
"prescription only" drugs.
Allopathic medical facilities, pharmaceuticals, and
trained personnel, however, are neither reliable nor easily
available in rural areas. Almost fifty percent of the country's
doctors, most sophisticated and large private nursing homes and
hospitals, trained medical professionals, and the health facilities
are concentrated in Kathmandu Valley. Government-run health
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 149
services provide care unevenly in the countryside; it is remote
and inconvenient for allopathic practitioners (Macfarlane, 1994;
Pigg, 1995). Maintaining a supply of drugs to remote health
posts is a constant problem, as is keeping health posts and
district hospitals staffed with trained, active practitioners
(J ustice, 1986).
In my view, Biomedicine must be seen in the context of
capitalist world system. Some of the particular agents of the
world system operating in the biomedical sector include
international health agencies, foundations, national bilateral aid
programs, all multinationals (especially drug firms, medical
technology producers and suppliers, polluting and exploiting
industrial firms, agribusinesses, commercial baby food suppliers,
purveyors of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and seller of
population control devices), and a medical cultural hegemony
supportive of the activities of these agents on the world scene
and in particular nations and locales (Elling, 1981 quoted in
Baer et aI., 1997). At all levels the state care systems of
advanced capitalist nations reproduce the structure of the class
relations. The profit making orientation caused allopathic
medicine to evolve into a capital-intensive endeavor heavily
oriented to high technology, the massive use of drugs and the
concentration of services in medical complexes. The state
legitimizes the corporate involvement in the health arena and
reinforces it through suppOl1 for medical training and research
(Baer et aI., 1997).
There a re a number of tendencies that are the
characteristics of allopathic medical tradition in Nepal. The first
tendency is that the locations of medical hospitals and research
institutions, allocation of resources are central ized in urban
areas. The largest, most prestigious, most specialized and most
money consuming curative institutions are located in the large
urban centers (Streefland, 1985; Subedi, 200 Ib). The same
applies to the location of institutions where medical knowledge
is developed, stored and taught. It is difficult to find medical
schools, libraries and research centers outside the larger towns.
The politicians and administrators who steer and take decisions
regarding the health policy of the country stay in Kathmandu, the
150 Occasional Papers
capital city. Similarly, the drugs to be used are generally
manufactured in the urban centers or in the rich countries. The
ruling elites that control country collaborate with international
agencies, foundations and bilateral aid program to determine health
policies (Justice, 1986). These elites and the agents they deal with
often advocate nationalize and preventive medicine, but their
actions favor curative rather than preventative approaches to health
care for themselves and even for the lower social strata. This
situation clearly shows that the further away people live from the
center in physical and / or social distance, the more difficult it
becomes to get good quality and sufficient quantity of medical
supplies, facilities and staffs (Streefland, 1985). This holds for a
peripheral village and for an urban slum. Although for the urban
poor health-care institutions and medicines are at a reasonable
distance, the costly nature of allopathic medicine plays an important
role for not consulting the allopathic medical practitioners.
The second tendency of the allopathic medicine is that in
the developing countries like Nepal, allopathic medicine is capitalist
and commercial in orientation. Many curative institutions,
pharmaceutical companies and medical equipment industries are
privately owned. The goal of many medical practitioners is to work
privately and earn more money. Profit making is an important
consideration in the delivery of health care, and production and sale
of drugs and materials. The consequence of such factors is that,
broadly speaking, the best services and facilities are available in
those places where most people are living and where most wealth is
concentrated. For the rural villages it means relatively low numbers
of drug sellers and relatively unqualified medical practitioners
(Subedi, 200Ib). On the other hand, the large demand for curative
services create an excellent environment for the activities of
unqualified medical practitioners and unlicensed drug sellers.
Factors Influencing Developmeut and Acceptance of Medical
Traditions
Different medical traditions in Nepal are co-existing very
well. Each tradition has own expertise, especially in certain
illnesses. In many cases, the question of which specialist to
consult depends on the nature of illness. For example, most of
the people seek ayurvedic vaidya or Kaviraj for jaundice, and
dhami-jhankri, janne manche, jharphl/ke vaidya or other local
M. S. SlIbedi/ Healer Choice in Medically... 151
healers for lagl/ or evil spirits. Millor discomfort, wounds and
sores are often treated at homes with foods and herbs; more
serious injuries, the hospitals, clinics or health post (allopathic
healers) are consulted. But except for this, the larger pattern is
not a matter of who consult when, but whom one consult first
and why.
People's actual health behavior in situation offering
choices is the outcome of the weighing process. Various factors
are known to be taken into account. One such factor is the
perception which villagers have of health care personnel. This
study, has, for instance, made clear that people's performance
largely explains why certain healers who belong to the same
village and relate to their clients also as kinsmen, neighbors or
a/no manche are often more popular than the healers from
outside. Other determining factors are the cost of treatment in
relation to what people can afford and to the quality of service
they will get. The actual cost of using the services, those of
reaching the services, the opportunity cost (loss of money which
could have been earned in the same time) all are important in this
respect.
Cultural and Historical Forces
People's understanding of the bodily affliction and
searching for cure is one of the most powerful forces in
maintaining the continued acceptance of any medical traditions.
The members of each cultural group have deep rooted beliefs
that their own tradition must be useful if not the ideal system for
handling the illness recognized by the culture. Many informants
say that allopathic medical practitioners have no curative
treatment for illnesses caused by ancestors, bokshi caused
illnesses, Ajima and other types of lagl/ illnesses. According to
them thejhakphllke or janllelllallche do have such treatments. In
particular, since the illhealth is defined some what differently
from culture to culture, and certain diseases state reputedly due
to supernatural causes including phl/I-prel and bokshi, are
therefore recognized only by its own members. These types of
understandings serve to reinforce the value of the particular
medical tradition. Some culture bound syndromes, such as sarka,
152 Occasional Papers
janaikai, bokshi bigar play an important role to continue the
existing medical traditions. In the contexts of each culture,
certain illness phenomena, particularly in relation to
psychological illhealth, are best explained and dealt with within
the cultural context of its concept of the universe. Where the
cultural concept differs very substantially between the sick
individual and the therapist, this will be extremely difficult.
Many informants think that they should try to find different types
of healers within as well as between the traditions
simultaneously, altering or sequentially in the hope that one, if
not all, will eventually rid him of their illness.
Most of the patient's version on the relative performance
of different healers was varied according to the nature of the
culturally perceived diseases and their expertise. For instance,
patients with constipation, jaundice or respiratory problems
preferred ayurvedic healers due to long term and durable action
whereas allopathic drugs relieved them temporarily. According
to them, allopathic remedies were mostly effective on accidental
injuries. Likewise, Iranlric healers or jharphuke vaidya are
perceived more effective against lagu and bokshi bigar. After
they consult the varieties of healers with a range of remedial
actions, their experience with the relative performances compel
them to feel, perceive and value those healers they employed.
Economic Forces
Cost and accessibility of the medical care is an important
factor in infiuencing the choice of a tradition of medical care. In
the developing countries like Nepal, where the bulk of people
live in poor economic conditions, the cost of specialist medical
doctors' fees, pathological test, and medicines are usually
beyond their means. The government expenditure on health is
generally low. The large numbers of people living in the village
remains beyond the reach of this medical sector. When illnesses
are minor, most people in Kathmandu Valley seek local healers
or take over-the-counter, easily accessible and affordable
medicines. Consequently, people often have to depend upon
locally available medical facilities which are within their
geographical and economic reach. In such areas, locally
M. S. Subedi/ Healer Choice in Medically ... 153
available healers and their medications are only forms of cares
that are within the economic means of people.
Influence of Other Medical Traditions
If the dominant medical tradition is unable to provide
adequately for the care of the population, other medical
traditions fill these gaps. If a patient uses a variety of remedy but
is unable not recover, he tries to find the alternative therapies or
cure the disease. They adapt the behavioral aspect of medical
tradition without fully grasping and accepting the theory behind
them. They may, in other words, seek them for the purely
pragmatic reason that they perceive it as being effective. For
example, acupuncture, as an alternative medical tradition became
accessible to them via different sources of informants. Most of
the patients responded that they approached acupuncture clinics
as the final attempt before the death. They were frustrated with a
painful life with chronic sufferings. They have spent thousands
of rupees and visited a number of medical specialists in the
country and "why not once go or experience acupuncture?" were
responses of many people.
Finally, procedures employed for diagnosis, treatment or
cure in different health care practitioners is closely related to the
performance of efficacy. Besides, knowledge and value
perceived by healers and patients on physical, mental or spiritual
concerns, healers behaviors play the decisive roles, whether
patients seek them or not. For example, patients during
discussion commented that they prefer kind-hearted, smiling or
cheerful, friendly healers who listen to their sufferings. This
way, patients search for relatively expert, senior and experienced
health professionals. As most of the patient's view, remedy in
any way from which could recover them quickly is desirable.
And if the remedy reacted with harmful side or after effects they
seek other healers, which could help them, recover without such
side effects or after effects.
Interaction of Medical Traditions
These different medical traditions do not exist as closed
cultural systems. Their practitioners interact with one another in
154 Occasional Papers
a variety of ways, and at times they borrow from one another,
compete with and oppose each other. They may cooperate wIth
each other in moving patients through particular referral systems.
Through such interaction there may develop a certain integration
of elements of. knowledge from different traditions. Other
elements in their traditions and practices may remain insulated
and co-exist independently of one another. For example,
traditional healers may give modern medicine, faith healers and
traditional birth attendants are being trained as village health
volunteers and community health leaders, physicians prefer
ayurvedic medicine for hepatitis, local ayurvedic healers or
herbalists after being unsuccessful in curing a patient refer
patients to the hospitals, whereas spiritual healers or shamans
condemn beliefs about ghosts and witches as superstitIOus.
Durkin-Longley (1984), in a study of urban Nepal, shows that
specific illness ideally are brought to practitioners of one
medical traditions; Jaundice (kama/pilla) is brought to the
ayurvedic doctor, mental illness to the dhami-jhankris and
jharphuke vaidyas, and accidents to the modern (allopatlllc)
medical practitioners.
Not all systems exist to an equal extent in all parts of
Nepal. The local indigenous system exists to a far greater extent
in rural areas than either the modern medical or ayurvedic
systems do. However, wherever one is in Nepal, there is a
pluralistic medical setting in which people must make their
health care choice.
Concluding Remarks
A number of studies in Nepal have shown that persons
seek different types of healers based on their perception and
beliefs regarding the illness problem, which in turn are
influenced and defined by their social surroundings and network
of relationship. The most widely prevailing medical system in
Nepal is faith healing. The fatalistic nature of people playa
distinct role in Nepali society, especially when someone in the
family suffers from chronic illness, mental illness, or is not able
to have even a single child. Hence faith healers or shamans such
as Dhami, Jhankri, Lama, Guruwa and the like receive wide
M S. Slibedi/ Healer Choice in Medically... 155
public acceptance and play a significant role in meeting the
health-care need of the villagers. The patients in the hilly regions
of Nepal are more likely to contact "dhami-jhankrP' first than
other health-care providers.
Most patients in Nepal use home remedies and delay
seeking professional help. These remedies included the herbal
remedies and foods to eat / avoid. If the problem continues, the
next resort is a traditional healer. The modern health care
services are only sought as a last resort, usually for the serious
and persistent problems. This finding also shows that patients
who do seek treatment at health facilities use both traditional and
modern medicine according to their perception of effectiveness.
The point here is that treatment decisions in medically pluralistic
settings typical of the developing countries like Nepal are
complex. The choice of healers is shaped by a wide range of
factors, among them perceptions of efficacy, practical
considerations (such as distance), symbolic considerations, the
perceived cause of the ailment and whether it is viewed as life
threatening, and personal attributes of the patient. This body of
research shows that the existence of biomedicine is only as a
treatment option. The presence of alternative sources of health
care can significantly effect the choice of health care services. It
is apparent from this paper that anthropological knowledge and
research method have not yet realized their full potential for
contributing to contemporary health issues. Thus, in assessing
health care service utilization, various factors associated with
medical pluralism need to be considered seriously.
REFERENCES
Baer, Hans A. et al. (1997). Medical Anthropology and the World
System. Bergin and Gravey, Westport.
Barth, Fredrik (1993). Balinese Worlds. The University of Chicago
Press, Chicago.
...... (1990). "The Guru and the Conjurer: Transactions in Knowledge
and the Shaping of Culture in South-east Asia and Malanesia."
Man 25: 640-653.
Blustain, Harvey S. (1976). "Levels of Medicine in a Center Nepali
Village." Contributions 10 Nepalese Studies. Center for Nepal
156 Occasional Papers
and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Special issue, Vol.3,
.
Bourdieu, Pierre (1977). Outline ofa Theory of Pracl/ce (Translated by
Richard Nice). Cambridge University Press, Cambndge.
Christakis, Nicholas A. et al.(1994). Illness Behaviour and Health
Transition in the Developing World. In Lincoln C. Chen (ed.)
Health and Social Change in International Perspective.
Harvard Series on Population and International Health,
Harvard University Press.
Devekota, Pada';' Lal (1984). Illness Interpretation and Modes. of
Treatment in Kirtipur. Contributions 10 Nepalese ~tud~es.
Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan UmverSlty,
Kathmandu, Nepal Vol.ll, 0.2 Ppll-20.
Dietrich, Angela (1998). Tantric Healing in Kathmandu Valley:. A
Comparative SllIdy of Hindu and BuddhIst Spiritual Healing
Traditions in Urban Nepalese Society. Book Faith India,
Delhi.
Dixit, Hemang (1999). The Quest for Health. Educational Enterprise
(P) Ltd, Kathmandu.
. 'Durkin-Longley, Maureen (1984)."Muhiple Therapeullc Uses In Urban
Nepal." Social Science and Medicine. Vol. 19, No.8, Pp 867-
872 .
....... (1988) Ayurvedic Treatment for Jaundice in Nepal." Sociol
Science and Medicine. Vol. 27, No.5, Pp 491-495.
Elias, Norben (1991)."On Human Beings and Their Emotions: A
Process-Sociological Essay." In Mike Featherstone et al. (Ed.)
The Body: Social Process and Cullllral Theory. SAGE
Publicalions Ltd, London.
Foster, George and Anderson, Barbara (1978).Medical Anthropology.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc.
Foster, George M. (I 994).Hippocrates' Latin American Legacy:
Humoral Medicine in the New World. Gordon and Breach
Science Publishers.
Geenz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Culture. New York:
Basic Books.
Gellner, David N.( 1994). "Priest, Healers, Mediums and Wit~,hes: The
Context of Possession in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Journal
of Royal Anthropological Instilllle. Vol. 29, No.1,
PP.27-48.
Goffman, Erving (1959). The Presentation of Self in EVelyday Life.
Doubleday Anchor Books, Doubleday & Company, New
York.
M. S. Subedil Healer Choice in Medically ... 157
Good, Byron J. (1994). Medicine. Rationality and Experience: An
Anthropological Perspective. Cambridge University Press.
Helman, Cecil G. (1996). Culture, Health and !IIness: An Introductionfor Health Professionals (third Edition). Butterworth-
Heinemann, Oxford.
Hitchock, John T. And Jones, Rex (Ed) (1976). Spirit Possession in the
Nepal Himalayas. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House.
Justice, Justice (1986). Policies, Plans. and People: Culture and Health
Development in Nepal. University of California Press,
Berkeley.
Kleinman, Anhur (1978). Concepts and Model for the Comparison of
Medical Systems as Cultural Systems. Social Science and
Medicine, Vol.12 Pp 85-93.
..... (1980). Patients and Healers in the Context of Cllltllre.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Kristvik, Ellen (1999). Drum and Syringes. Bibliotheca Himalayica,
Series III, Volume VII.
Leslie, Charles (1978). "Pluralism and Integration in the Chinese
Medical System." In A. Kleinman et al. (Ed.) Culture and
Healing in Asian Societies. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman
Publishing Company.
.....(1980). Medical Pluralism in World Perspective. Social Science
and Medicine. 14B, 4: 191-195.
Levitt, Mana (1988). From Sickle to Scissors: Birth, Traditional Birth
Attendants and Perinatal Health Development in Rural Nepal.
Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, University of Hawai.
Lieban, Richard W. (1977). "The Field of Medical Amhropology." In
David Landy (Ed.) Cultllre, Disease and Healing: SllIdies in
Medical Anthropology. Macmillion Publishing Co., Inc. New
York.
Minocha, Aneeta (1980). "Medical Pluralism and Health Services in
India." Social Science and Medicine. Vol. 14B Pp 217-223.
Miller, Casper J. (1979). Faith Healers in the Himalayas. Centre for
Nepal and Asian Studies, Kathmandu.
MoH (1997). Nepal family Health Survey. Family Planning Division,
Ministry of Health.
NESAC (1998). Nepal Human Development Report 1998.
Okada, Ferdinand (1976). "Notes on two Shamans-curers in
Kathmandu. " Contributions (0 Nepalese Srudies. Center for
Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu,
Nepal.Special issue, Vol.3, Pp 107-112.
158 Occasional Papers
Pelto. Pertii and Pelto. Gretel (1996). "Research Design in Medical
Anthropology." In Sargent Carolyn F. and Johnson. Thomas
M. (Ed.) Medical Anthropology: Contemporary Theory and
Methods. Praeger Publishers.
Pigg, Stacy Leigh (1989). Here, There and Every Where: Place and
Person in Nepalese Explanations of Illness. Himalayan,
Research Bulletin. Vol. ix, NO.2 Pp 16-23 .
...... ( 1995). "Acronyms and Effacement: Traditional Medical
Practitioners (TMP) in Internal Health Development." Social
Science and Medicine. Vol. 41, o. I, Pp 47-68.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy and Margret, Luck (1998). "The Mindful
Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical
Anthropology." In Peter J. Brown (Ed.) Understanding and
Applying Medical Anthropology. Mayfield Publishing
Company.
Shrestha, R.M. and Lediard M. (1980). Faith Healers: A Force for
Change. Kathmandu, UNFPA I UNICEF.
Stone, Linda (1976). "Concept of Illness and curing in a central Nepal
village." Contributions to Nepalese Studies. Center for Nepal
and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University. Kathmandu, Nepal.
Special issue, VoI.3, Pp 55-80
Streeliand, Pieter (1985). "The Frontier of Modern Western Medicine
in Nepal." Social Science and Medicine. Vol. 20, No. II, Pp
I 151-1159.
Subedi, Janardan (1989). "Modern Health Services and Health Care
Behaviour: A Survey in Kathmandu. Nepal." Journal of
Health and Social Behaviour. Vol. 30, (December), Pp 412-
420.
(1988). Factors Affecting the Use of Medicine in a Pluralistic
Health Care System: The Case of Nepal. Unpublished Ph. D.
Thesis, University of Akron.
Subedi, Madhusudan Sharma (200 Ia). Medical Anthropology of
Nepal. Udaya Books, Kathmandu, Nepal.
............ (200Ib). Development and Underdevelopment of Modern
Health Services in Nepal. Deva-Vani, Devaghat Vedic
Adhyatmic Parisad, Kathmandu. Vol. 4 pp 217-224
Wake, C.J. (1976). Health Services and Some Cultural Factors in
Urban Nepal. Contributions to Nepalese Studies. Center for
epal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu,
Nepal. Special issue, VoI.3, Pp 113-125.
QUANTIFYING "PEOPLES' PARTICIPATION
AND PSYCHOLOGICAL EMPOWERMENT":
A MODEL OF INDIVIDUAL BEHAVIOUR
IN NEPAL
Philip Tanner'
Dhirendra B. Parajuli2
Introduction
The term "Empowerment" has been interpreted as
consisting of many levels of interaction. Principally, these
characteristics include (a) community dynamics and issues, (b)
institutional or organizational aspects, (c) individual and
community dynamics and perceptions. For a full understanding
of "empowerment", researchers must assess, quantitatively and
qualitatively, the various levels of interaction within the
construct of empowerment theory. However, this study focuses
primarily on the concept of Psychological Empowerment (PE),
as a basis for future research into the multi-faceted phenomenon
of "empowerment theory". This investigation will determine if
the present study concurs with and improves upon previous
research. Past research identifies a relationship between the
outcome variable (participation) and predictor variables
(control), which may help explain patterns of behaviour. The
Dr. Philip Tanner worked for UNOI' in Nepal from 1990·92 and
subsequently carried oul extensive research in Nepal during the period
1993-1997 on the relationship of Empowerment and Parlicipalory
development concepts in Nepal. He is now working for a development
INGO in Nepal.
Mr. Parajuli is a lecturer at the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology. Patan Multiple College. Tribhllvan University. ~pal.
160 Occasional Papers
qualitative information gathered will allow a certain degree of
triangulation in the results from the statistical analyses.
There is a need for flllther refinement of empowerment
theory which would enable researchers to discern thos.e settings
in which individuals are empowered or, in some cases,
disempowered. The theory could, furthermore, (a) determine
which interventions, designed to empower individuals, are
effective or ineffective, (b) study the mechanisms or dynamics
involved in the empowerment process and though rarely given
attention, (c) identify contextual characteristics that may inhibit
or promote the development of Psychological Empowerment
(PE).' It is clear that empowerment theory lacks a coherent
structure and nomenclature to address these multiple levels of
analysis.
In the development discourse, empowerment is most
frequently used, generically, to refer to raising levels of self-
reliance and equity within communities and, in development
especially. to ensure long-term sustainability of project
objectives.
More specifically, it is described as relating to gender
issues, disenfranchised groups, equity, allocation of resources
and local institutions. It is apparent that these vague references
are often manifestations which evolve out of attempts to
implement empowerment at the field level. In fact,
empowerment is elusive to define and may apply, variously, to a
wide range of activities and people.
Rationale
The main objective of this study is the definition of a
relationship between perceived elements of control and actual or
measurable behaviour. The method employed in this study
replicates some previous research by examining how different
measures of perceived control may combine to form a single
Psychological Empowerment (PE) has b~~n discussed principally in the
community psychology lilcratllr~. Rather than rdating to individual human
deficit. PE focusses on (he positi,,~ intrapersonal characteristics (e.g.
personal conlrol). which aITeel an individual's motivation or willingness to
engage in voluntary participation (behaviour).
P. Tanner & D. Parajuli/ QuantifYing"Peoples .... 161
construct that distinguishes individuals partIcipating in
community organizations and activities at different levels. The
study also employs Zimmerman's (1992) "method" of
developing meaningful behaviour profiles which combine six
measures of participation in community and project
organizations
Uphoff (1992) notes that the social sciences have long
borrowed from the natural scienyes but as Simon (op. cit.) states,
a model based on the equivalent of the "laws of motion" no
longer seem the best available. Contemporary criticism does not
seek to undermine the potential usefulness of previous theories
and ways of thinking but only their "reductionist claims to a
monopoly of explanatory power" (Uphoff, 1992:388). Social
sciences can accept its own theory of relativity or perhaps, social
relativity - but accepting it more as the co-existance of
"divergent truths" and not concrete fact. That is, however, as
long as each truth can be validated within some intelligible frame
of reference, some set of coherent concepts and premises and
most of all, some compelling purpose that hold these truths
together (Ibid., 1992).
Subjective interpretations can shape objective outcomes
(Uphoff, 1992:393). This, of course, has to be a fundamental
assumption in this study. However, the uncertainty that attends
all individual and collective action is not only a matter of lacking
enough knowledge about all the actors and all their goals,
strategies and resources. Uphoff points out that systems are
normally not linear; there are ordered ana random influences that
interact cumulatively, and may accelerate or cancel out each
other's effects. This phenomenon is referred to by Uphoff as a
"chaos" within the social patterns identified; a non-linearity that
requires caution againstthe mechanistic or reductionist modeling
of social dynamics. As a result, perhaps, what social scientists
can derive from current re-thinking in the natural sciences is not
a full-blown theory or a set of methods but instead a more
appropriate world view. However, this does not preclude the use
and need for mechanistic approaches. Rather, the re-thinking in
research methods suggests that they be accompanied by many
162 Occasional Papers
explicit qualifications and should be regarded as tactical
exploration rather than as producing strategic conclusions.
Throughout this study, the researcher drew on the
strength of the quantitative methodology but was always
conscious of the current arguments in this field and the
possibility of weakness where qualitative triangulation was not
applied. As mentioned in this paper, such triangulation was
carried out where it was deemed appropriate. However, the
primary focus was on quantitative assessments of behaviour,
based on subjective and empirical data; partly because this was
an "exploratory" study. There are, of course, weaknesses and
strengths in this approach. The primary strength, perhaps, is in
this study's exploratory nature itself, which places a limitation
on the scope and usefullness of the study. The research results
do not claim to reduce the nature of man to fit into a pre-
determined set pattern of behaviours. Rather it illucidates areas
of probable significance in a dynamic that may characterize
community behaviour. Factors that may inhibit or enhance
individual and community action are explored and this lends
valuable information to future research and policy-makers alike.
All projects are or should be considered, experimental by nature,
Rondinelli states. In a nonlinear world, blueprints (Tanner,
xxxx) can't succeed because the situation is inherently uncertain.
This implies an on-going need to address new issues and
unexpected and unforseeable diversions in project plans.
However, herein again lies a potential weakness in this study.
The notion of probabilities leaves the results of the research
wide-open for criticism. This limits the type and scope of
comments that can be made about anyone finding (discussed
further on page 263).
This study has developed "empowerment theory" and
has contextualized the model of psychological empowerment
(PE) to the development field in Nepal. This, in itself, is a
significant step forward in empowerment theory and research. It
is hypothesized that (a) a univariate analysis of individual
predictor variables (dependent variables) would yield a
significant result in predicting the outcome variable (defined as
"participation") and, (b) a multi-variate relationship between
P. Tanner & D. Para}uti/ Quantifying"Peoptes .... 163
these variables would produce a coherent definition of
psychological empowerment (defined as an "underlying
dimension"). The latter might help to interpret the dynamics and
characteristics of the current practice of "popular participation"
in the rural regions of Nepal defined in this sample. The results
of this study validate the relationship between the outcome and
predictor variables (participation and control variables).
indicating that there was a signficant relationship between the
two. Combined variance of the psychological factors of control
and certain demographic and socio-political variables, are able to
predict the level at which an individual is likely to panicipate on
a scale of low, medium and high participation.
This study drew extensively on prior research in
community psychology, social work and recent community
development literature, which incorporates "empowerment" as a
critical phenomenon of interest. Upon close examination of this
literature, it is apparent that significant cognitive and
intrapersonal factors are implied in the term "empowerment,"
which determine certain behaviour. This is especially evident
amongst the most poor and powerless, those with Iitt Ie education
and little control over resources through which to direct their
own destinies. (It is probable that these perceptions are
perpetuated even when the physical conditions of their poverty
are alleviated). Through the identification of "causal agents" and
their relation to behaviour, it was proposed that one could
discern how people are motivated or inhibited from engaging in
voluntary activities which affect their personal development.
Once identified, the dynamic relationship (or process) of
psychological factors of empowermenl and participation, could
be incorporated into a policy of intervention. This intervention
can be identified as "Psychological Empowerment" (PE) and
forms the basis of a broader and more coherent "model of
empowerment". Such a model would greatly enhance
development initiatives by explaining why an individual would
or would not take steps to address the negative consequences of
poverty.
This study set out to (a) examine cenain factors that
constitute "empowerment" and its evolution in the development
164 Occasional Papers
field, (b) determine factors that encourage voluntary
partIcIpation in project and community organizations and (c)
identify and test the relationship between these factors and
participation.
The Method Employed
This study merges the psychological constructs of (a)
self-efficacy, (b) motivation to exert control and, (c) perceived
skills development, with actual palticipatory behaviour in
individual and collective actions (including individual reliance
on community elders or those in positions of authority). This
moves beyond the original assertion that "empowerment" was
only a psychological state marked by positive perceptions of
self-worth or esteem, self-efficacy and an internal locus of
control. It includes the latter but goes beyond this into
developing an increased sense of control within one's
environment- be it the family, organization or community within
which one is involved. This has demanded more complex
methods of study and the use of multiple intervention points that
go beyond the narrow individual level. In addition, the method
used allows researchers to examine subjective information
relating to "empowerment" by linking self-report data to
measurable "behaviour data". While some might argue that this
study is not truly "empirical", it does take a step beyond "the
subjective" and provides an innovative approach to and possible
tool for, the evaluation of empowerment projects in the field.
Sample Definition in Nepal
The sample group used in this study was taken from
differing development (hilly) regions of Nepal (Central and
Western). This was an attempt to diversify the respondents,
within the methodological framework and time/resource
boundary of this study. Due to epal's exceptionally varied
geography and culture, can study in a limited region of the
country lend itself to larger conclusions about the whole? The
answer relates to the size of the sample that could be used in this
study; "too little or too much". Both instances might prove
awkward at such an early stage of defining a more coherent
P. Tanner & D. Para}uli! QuantifYing "Peoples •... 165
model of empowerment theory. From the perspective of "too
much", the areas of the country that were excluded from this
study should be mentioned. They would include most
obviously, (a) the High Himalayan range, home to the Sherpas
and numero~s other tribes, (b) the Far Eastern area of Nepal and,
(c) the Teral or plains area. This list of excluded regions does
not reflect the countless ethnic groups, scattered across seven
levels of mountain ranges of Nepal, wh ich were, necessari Iy,
Ignored 111 thiS study. There are dwellings on 45 degree slopes
and there are those living near the fast-flowing rivers emanating
from the glacier ranges. There are those areas where the
inhabitants eke out a subsistence living from the fast-eroding
slopes of the hill-sides, forcing them to supplement their diet
with slugs and frogs. There are those, in comparison, who live at
lower altitudes on the prolific flat plains (Terai) near the Indian
border. The people of some villages exist with a constant flow
of fresh water rushing through their well irrigated fields and
flushed sanitation canals, while those on the outskirts of other
villages have a tainted well as their only SOurce of water supply.
Determination of the areas in which to conduct research in the
face of the aforementioned variants, was not easy but was
important to the achievement of valid data. Including all the
areas of Nepal would obviously not be possible, within the scope
of this study. As the sample area grows, the number of
additional elements arising, indeed confounding the study of the
empowerment equation, would increase to unmanageable
numbers, rendering the study impracticable within the time-
frame. There was, necessarily, a need to establish the maximum
parameter of the sample size. Before addressing this, however,
there is the problem at lhe other extreme, of too small a sample.
Dllnll1lshll1g returns are rapidly encountered if research is
isolated to one specific project or community. Any result or
conclusion that might be gleaned from the study area would be
so localized and context-specific as to lend little of value to the
concept of extending empowerment theory and contextualizing
hypotheses to more general participatory practice in Nepal.
The first consideration, therefore, was to examine the
immediate needs of the model, presented in the methodological
166 Occasional Papers
section and render sufficient data to address the hypotheses. In
addition, a second major consideration was to extend previous
studies on empowerment theory, while maintaining consistency
with that research. This study, given the sample chosen, does
extend previous study into Psychological Empowerment. In
accomplishing this, certain variables were added to
Zimmerman's model and further sub-hypotheses were
developed from an exhaustive search of the literature. The new
and old variables were adjusted for contextual specificity. The
question at the outset was, therefore, "what sample group would
provide the necessary information to test this model and
hypotheses, (without overly confounding the results) and would
provide data which would be useful to more than a smgular part
of the population or development process?
A wider sampling would have provided more variation,
thus lending more credibility to the results and would possibly be
of greater use. Also, secondary examination of the various
communities and projects would lend immeasurable information
to the process of piecing together ideas for a "psychological
empowerment model". In addition, there could be undoubted
value from the research, to existing projects (though these are
extraneous to the study at hand). It was acknowledged from the
beginning of this study, however, that it would be self-defeating
to attempt to make universal statements about all but a specific
group (the extant sample) because of the multiplicity of
contextual variations that exist. Similarly, it was not the purpose
of the work to embark on a study which identified problems or
made recommendations for a particular community or project;
nor to make conclusions about the behaviour of particular
villages. These factors complicated discussion with project staff.
Theory is essential and interesting but does not have an
immediate benefit for those trying to initiate and maintain
various elements in the villages. In working with these experts,
there was a constant conflict between the practical and the
academic ramifications of the study. However, for the purposes
of this study, it was necessary to recognize that the study was
fundamentally exploratory for the identification of additional and
P. Tonner & D. Parajuli/ Quantifying "Peoples •... J67
significant variables which playa part in a theoretical model of
Psychological Empowerment. .
In any exploration of a "new" model such as this, a
wider sample group, "characteristic" of the region studied, would
have been preferred. However, a study such as this could not
claim to "characterize" a region of Nepal or the country as a
whole, any more than western researchers could hope to
characterize North America or Europe or even a moderately
large western city. It was considered that as the sample grew, it
would have become even more difficult to characterize the
behaviour of individuals within that group, due to increasing
diversity. The objective, then, was to obtain a suitable sized
sample group in order to make a useful model without
complicating that model with the introduction of too many
confound·ing factors. By this method, one can create a model
which might provide a "characterization" of a given area and
which can form a suitable platform upon which future study can
expand.
Quantifying Peoples' Participation - The Outcome
(Dependent) Variable
The definition of "Participation" was broadened as much
as possible. Restricting the study to (a) political participation or
(c) community/organizational participation, might have
confounded the results of the study by being too narrow. The
types of "participation" to be found from community to
community varies considerably, thus complicating any narrow
classification system for participation. In fact, as the study
showed, anomalous readings did arise from those respondents
who were involved in project activities versus community
activities (see page 222). In addition, the opportunity for
participation was often limited in village life. Thus, the broadest
scale needs to be employed in order to identify "some"
participatory behaviour for each individual interviewed.
In order to obtain the fullest possible measure of
participatory behaviour (which is referred to as the Independent
variable of this multi-leveled model), six measures of
participation were used. Four of these measures denoted actual
168 Occasional Papers
P. Tonner & D. Parajll/i/ QlIan/ifj;ing"Peoples ' ... 169
Project Activities
Most Active Org.
Activity in Project
Total Organizations
Leadership Positions
Finding an Aggregate Participation Score
The first stage in the analysis required finding a useful
composite score that represented the "participation" or
"behavioural" variable for this experiment. The 6 sub-categories
listed above did not, because of their unequal weighting, lend
themselves to simple addition of all values. The principal difficulty
was that each category of participation was based on an unequal
response scale. For instance:
Community Activities 20 items maximum (i.e. 20
possible activities)
12 items maximum (i.e. 12
possible activities)
- 3 item maximum (i.e. not active,
active, very active)
- 3 item maximum (i.e. not active,
active, very active)
0-2 (i.e. O=no membership,
I=membership, and
2=leadership )
- Limitless items (i.e. varying
according to individual
memberShip)
The community and project activity checklist elicited a
response pertaining to actual activities that the respondent was
engaged in over the last two years. A score was given based on
actual indications of activity (total community = 20 and total project
= 12) and fell along a distinct or fixed continuum (respondents
varied between 0 - 20 and 0 - 12 possible points, respectively). TI"e
number of organizations of which the respondent reported being a
member, varied amongst respondents but again, the numbers
resolved themselves along a continuum. Organizational activity (in
most active organization) was a static number on a 3-point Likert
scale indicating perceived involvement in the respondent's most
active organization (1 = not vety active, 2=somewhat active and
3=very active) and leadership was scored from 0 - 2. ranging from
no involvement, to basic membership, to any leadership positions
held in voluntarv organizations. Given the uneven weighting of
these components, it was clear that an aggregate score could not be
participation and two measures denoted a subjective evaluation
of the individual's partIcIpatIon In communIty and project
activities. Actual participation includes, (I) the total number of
organizations of which the respondents reported being a
member, (2) a community check list which allowed for a dIverse
range of community activities with which the respondent was
voluntarily involved, (3) a project check-list whIch .llsted a
variety of activities in which the respondent has been Involved
with the project and, (4) leadership positions held 111 communIty
organizations. Leadership was also included in the proje~t and
the community checklist but given a double weIght 111 relatIon to
other items listed (i.e. 2 points instead of 1). The subjectIve
measures used in this study included, (5) the amount of
organizational activity that the respondent reported as pertaining to
hislher most active organization, (6) the amount of actIvIty the
respondent estimated as pertaining to the development project in
his/her community. All six categories were combll1ed II1tO. an
aggregate participation score. The checklists were emplflcal
measures of actual participation but the respondents were also
requested to assess their relative participation in both th~ proJ~ct
activities and their "most actIve commu11lty orga11lzatlon. WhIle
the subjective category generally matched the actual reported
behaviour of the individual, there were instances where the
checklists reflected low actual levels of participation, despite the
fact that the individual felt quite active in that organization or
project. Some individuals had been active in the past and would,
perhaps, be active again. For various reasons, they were not actIve
at the time of this survey and therefore, as it was felt that thIS would
modify the data findings without direct control. the participatoty
variable was widened to allow a more subjective element of
participatory behaviour. In other words, it was considered that a
person's subjective assessment of his/her overall behaVIOur was as
important to this study as actual behaviour.
For the purposes of more specific analysis relating to
project or community activities separately, the aggregate score
could be re-defined by excluding I or more of the above categones
(i.e. project-related findings may only include categories 3 and 6,
above). In these cases, it will be indicated if the aggregate score has
been modified.
170 Occasional Papers
developed solely on a summation of the four categories. Those who
were high participators in voluntary community activities would
clearly dominate all other categories and would not give the widest
picture of the total participatory nature of each individual. It was
regarded as very important, especially in the context of rural life,
where opportunities for participation are low, that the widest
possible scope be given to varying types and degrees of
participatory activity. These could range from political activity to
simple discussion of community life with one's neighbour. It was
realized, therefore, that a standardized weighting should be
calculated for each category. To accomplish this, an aggregate
score was devised based on the Sum of the Standardized Scores (2-
Scores)' for each of the six participation categories. For this study,
the score represents the level to which an individual "participates"
within various areas of political, economic and social life.
In all project sites visited, participation was based on
voluntarv activities only (there were no payor "food-for-work"
programmes). It was useful, therefore, to include both participators
and non-participators in the projects examined. In every case,
individuals were at least "aware" of local projects in their
community and in most cases had one other family member who
was involved in a project. The "project" was considered another
variable amidst several possible intervention points for individuals
wishing to participate. In addition, every individual had the
opportunity to participate if slhe wished (i.e. no one was excluded
from some form of participation).
Table I, following, provides an illustration of the database
categories for the participatory variable. The six categories are
standardized and then an aggregate score is calculated (z_total).
Using the latter total, a cluster analysis can then be performed
(cluster), which allocates each individual (id#) to one of three
possible participatory levels of activity (low, medium or high).
, Z; a + b... (X-Xl (where b; an arbitrary constant by which Z; (X-
X)/S is multiplied. a=an s arbitrary constant to be added to the
product.
P. Tanner & D. Parajuli/ QuantifYing "Peoples ' ... 171
Table I: Excerpt from Database
•• zorg_c zreader Z0I9s)1 zpart co zpartpr Z0l9_P zJolai cluster
1.00 J 2S 18 IUB I 8303 18959 I 2458 J .394 lSI I
2.00 48092 1.432.1 I 1388 2.0806 I 5269
.4354 I 18 I
3.00
-1061
-1.017
-9358
-8743
-1003
-.523
-90 2
4.00
-1.061
·1.017
-.9358 -[.059
-.7222
·.523
·8' 2
5.00 12518 14323 J 1388 97252 96464 I 394 119 I
Cluster Analysis
. .. Once a Standardized Score is established for every
"ldIVldU~1 (z_total), It IS possIble to categorize the 218 subject
sample. IIlto groups. In order to determine the optimal
categonzatlon of thIS sample, lending itself to a reasonable
configuratIon through which an analysis with the predictor
vanables becomes possIble, a cluster analysis was performed.
Before runnll1g the analysis, however, it was anticipated that the
sample would lend itself to a 3-cluster solution. This would
allow the study to maintain consistency with previous research
on empowerment theory. However, it was not immediately
certall1 that thIS solutIon would be appropriate for the present
research III Nepal. Ward's method of cluster analysis was used
for two reasons: (I) consistency with previous research
(Zlmmennan, 1992) and (2) because it provides the maximum
between-group differences and minimum within-aroup
dIfferences for the classification. '"
The 3-clusters represent, for the purposes of this study
low, medium and high participators. The sample distributiOJ;
(n=218) resolved itself as Low (n=92), M (n=64), and H (n=62).
The .use of a 3-cluster solution in this analysis is consistent with
prevIOus research (Zimmerman & Rappaport, 1988, 1992).
172 Occasional Papers
P. Tanner & D. Parajuli/ QuantifYing'Peoples .... 173
"~------------,
"25 "00 "75 -\I -~ Blb ~ ~ 75 ''ll '15 '!lo '75
StandardIZed Scores 01 Partlcloatlon
Table 2
Standardized Scores of Total Participation (by 3-Cluster Solution)
levels of Participation
SignificanceCluster #
cluster solutions v.s. 3-cluster solution was generated, as shown
below).
Univariate Analysis of I, 2, and 3-c1uster solutions
Each dependent variable used in the following univariate
analysis was compared to the (a) 3-cluster solution, (b) (1+2)-3
cluster solution, (c) (1+3)-2 cluster solution and (d) (2+3)-1
cluster solution. This would help verify that the three clusters
were statistically logical groupings of the whole sample. For the
purposes of this analysis, only variables from the Intrapersonal
scales (i.e. personal control, effectiveness, difficulty, benefit,
skill and project satisfaction) were tested in this univariate
analysis.
Results of the analysis reinforced the validity of a 3-
cluster solution, as opposed to using a two-cluster solution (e.g.
low and high participation). While a 2-cluster solution of 1+2 _
3 is possible, (statistically stronger), there is little difference
between this solutioll and a 3-duster solution (i.e. both are very
significant). lt is valid, therefore, to maintain a 3-cluster solution
for consistency with previous research. The following results
were found:
Table 4
ANOVA (on multiple clusters) :
Variable
(P<.05)
HIGH
M N %
MEDIUM
M N %
LOW
M N %
-.8600 92 42 .0950 64 30 1.178 62 28
Spatially, the cluster appeared to lend itself to a
reasonable (theoretically logical) 3-cluster solution (see Chart I)
and statistically logical, because of the slgl11ficant proXll11lty
measures of the first and second and the second and third groups
(see Table 3).
Chart 1
It was necessary to provide further statistical
justification for using the 3-cluster solution. First, the 3-c1uster
solution did not represent a perfect distribution above and below
the means and therefore, needed to be tested for this reason
alone. Second, a bias existed, at the outset of this study, towards
using a 3-cluster solution. This was primarily a result of
maintaining consistency with prevIous studies 111 empowerment
theory. Thus, the following univariate analysis of outcome and
predictor variables was run on several vanatlons of the cluster
solution, in order to confirm a sound 3-cluster solullon (I.e. 2-
Personal Control
Effectiveness
Difficulty (Men)
Difficulty (Women)
3 Cluster (t,2,3)
2 CluSler(I+2 YS. 3)
2 Cilister (I +3 ys. 2)
2 ClliSler(2+3 Ys. I)
3 CluSier (1,2,3)
2 CluSler(t+2 vs. 3)
2 CluSler(I+3 YS. 2)
2 CluSier (2+3 YS. I)
3 Cluster (1,2,3)
2 ClliSler(t+2 Ys. 3)
2 CllISI<r(I+3 YS. 2)
2 CluSier (2+3 YS. I)
3 Cluster (1,2.3)
2 CluSier (1+2 YS. 3)
2 CluSler(I+3 YS. 2)
P=.OOOO
P~.OOOO
P=.7458
P=OOOO
P=.OO05
P~.OOII
P~.5596
P=.OOO3
P=.0233
P~.0061
P=.3233
P~.I081
P~.0002
P~.OOOO
P=.IIOO
174 Occasional Papers
P. Tanner & D. Parajuli/ Quamifying"Peop/es ' ... 175
The Predictor (Independent) Variables
Three measures of perceived control have been shown in
previous research to correlate with the dependent variables.
With some modifications in method and size of scale, these
variables form the basis of this study:
Personal Control. An 8-item measure of the respondents' sense
of personal control in community decision-making was utilized.
The measure uses a 7-point Likel1 scale (7 = strong personal
control). Examples of this scale are (I) I have control over
decisions that affect my life. (2) I can influence decision that
affect my community. (3) I think the more influential people in
the community can influence what effects this community.
The variable will expand upon previous research by
including not only the respondents perceptions of his/her
personal control but his/her perceptions of the community as a
whole (i.e. the community's ability to influence decisions that
affect its development).
Perceived Effectiveness. An II-item measure of the
respondents' perceived effectiveness in taking various actions to
influence community decisions (e.g. protest demonstrations,
writing letters, attending meetings, etc.) was used. This measure
also uses a 7-point Likert scale (7 = very effective). Examples of
this scale are (I) I'd like to be included when people come to our
community to discuss ways of improving things. (2) I don't feel
it matters if I attend meetings on social or economic issues
effecting this community. (3) I trust the elders of our community
to do the right thing and improve our situation all round.
Unlike previous research, the individual's perceptions of
the "community's" ability to effect change is also measured, in
addition to "personal" effectiveness.
Perceived Difficultv. A 10-item, 7-point Likert scale was used
to measure perceived difficulty in solving problems in the
community. General and context-specific items will be
formulated to address problems in the communities visited. It is
important to note that not all communities perceive the same
problems. However, the scale must be identical for every
community tested. Future research may address this possible
deficit in questionnaire construction.
This item includes perceptions of difficulty for the
respondent and for others, to resolve certain issues. Unlike
previous studies, this study expands on previous research by
including aspects of discrimination, prejudice, sexism ahd other
related items which will likely account for a large part of the
perceived difficulty of individuals to participate and influence
issues relating to themselves and the community. Examples of
this scale are: I. Day-to-day problems are so difficult that I do
not feel there is time for schooling. 2. My caste position does
not allow me to take certain jobs in my community. 3. I feel
that community problems are often so complicated that even
informed people can't figure out what should be done about
them. Five additional items were added to the scale which will
be answered only by women and will relate to gender-specific
issues. These items include, for example: I. If I were a man, I
P~.0078
P=.OOOO
P~.OOOO
P~.0260
P~.0078
P~.OOI6
P=.0006
P~.5833
P~.0077
P=.OOOI
P=.OOOI
P~.7285
P=.OOOI
2 CluSler (2+3 vs. I)
3 Cluster (1,2,3)
2 CluSler(I+2 vs. 3)
2 Cluster (I +3 vs. 2)
2 CluSler (2+3 vs. I)
3 Cluster (1,2,3)
2 Cluster (1+2 vs. 3)
2 Cluster (I +3 vs. 2)
2 Cluster (2 +3 vs. I)
3 Cluster (1,2,3)
2 Cluster (1+2 vs. 3)
2 Cluster (I +3 vs. 2)
2 Cluster (2+3 vs. I)
Random Sub-Clusters
In order to test the validity of the overall sample cluster,
random sub-clusters were generated and tested for consistency
with the overall sample. The solutions for each of the 50%
subsamples were very similar. Over all three groups, individuals
were 96.6% correctly classified in 3 random sub-samples
(selected from the whole sample). Most discrepancies were
found in cluster 2 (medium). In the subsample analysis, 3.4% of
the sample was placed in cluster I (low) but were placed in
cluster 2 (medium) in the total sample analysis. These
discrepancies had minimal total effect.
Project Satisfaction
Perceived Benefit
Skill Development
176 Occasional Papers
would be able to raise my position in this community with my
own initiative. 2. Even if I were a man, I feel that life is too
difficult to raise my status higher.
In addition to the above, three new variables were
examined in relation to '·participation."
Perceived Benefit. A 1a-item, 7-point Likert scale was used to
measure perceived benefit from participation in community
activities. This scale addresses the motivation of respondents
due to the perception of monetary gain. It also addresses time
constraints, which may influence an individual's ability to
participate. Scale items include: I. My main reason for
participating in communitylproject activities is the extra money
it brings. 2. I wouldn't participate if I wasn't paid. 3. I would
like to participate in community projects but I just don't have the
free time,
Skills Development (Interactional). The interactional
component, (or skills development), has not been tested in
previous studies in empowerment theory. However, it was
hypothesized that this variable would have a significant impact
upon the behavioural component and may account for significant
variations in perceived control. Skills development may include
some understanding of factors that hinder or enhance one's
ability to influence community decisions, as well as decision-
making and problem-solving skills and resource mobilization.
Through a study in which IS individual leaders of non-profit
organizations were interviewed (Chavis & Wandersman, 1990),
it was "Suggested that these skills are necessary to palticipate
effectively in community decision-making and comprises
elements of self·esteem, a sense of causal importance and
perceived efficacy. Studies indicate that more highly involved
individuals repOlt more benefits of participation - learning new
skills, gaining information, helping others, increasing social
contact, and fulfilling obligations (Kieffer, 1984; Zimmerman &
Rappaport, 1989; Prest by et aI., 1990). The acquisition of such
skills will, it is hypothesized, have an effect on perceived
control, which in turn effects social interaction and level of
sustained participation.
P. Tanner & D. Para}uli! QuantifYing "Peoples '.. 177
A la-item, 7-point Likert scale was used to measure the
impact of skills development in project and community activities
(at a singular point in time). The purpose of the scale was to
assess whether an individual's perceived level of skills
development predicts the level at which an individual will
participate in community and project activities. It was
anticipated that the individual who participates is motivated by a
desire to increase his/her skills and/or position in society through
participation. Items will include: I. Since I have participated in
community organizations, I have found many new skills that are
useful for my everyday life. 2. It is through organization that I
have really come to learn new information and skills.
Project Satisfaction. This scale was designed to measure the
overall perception of project success and individual and
community improvement, as a direct result of project activities in
the community. It will contain la-items on a 7-point Likert
scale. Examples of the items include: I. My status has not
changed in this community since the project began. 2. Before
the project, I was always looked to for information and guidance.
Now, I feel that people don't need my advice as much as before.
3. I always was involved in my community. This project is just
another activity.
Demographic Factors
Socio-economic status (SES), age and gender were
statistically "controlled" in previous research, because they were
evenly distributed across the 3-cluster participatory solution.
However, in light of Nepal's unique context, it is hypothesized
that gender, caste, ethnicity, SES and age will correlate with the
participatory variable. These factors will be analysed
individually and in relation to the overall direct and indirect
influence they have on the predictor and outcome variables.
Method of Analysis
Multiple Regression
A linear regression determines an equation that will relate
values of an observed dependent variable Y to values of a second
independent variable X. It determines whether these Y values are
related to the X values in a linear relationship, estimating the
coefficients of the linear equation. A linear relationship means that
Helplessness
Chance
Powerful Others
External Political Efficacy
178 Occasional Papers
if the Y values are plotted against the X values in a graph, the
resulting trend of the plotted points can be represented by a straight
line.
It is hypothesized that measures of perceived control may
combine to form a single construct that distinguishes individuals
participating in activities and organizations. These measures may
provide a tool for predicting behaviour based on perceived levels of
control, effectiveness, difficulty, skills development, perceived
benefit and socio-political factors. It was further hypothesized tl'rat
all of the predictor variables would significantly predict
participation. The combined effect of these variables, then, is
expected to be a strong predictor of behaviour, over and above the
individual effects of the dependent variables. The degree of
variance explained by the predictor variables can be computed and
the significant variables in this analysis can be entered into a
discriminant function analysis (DFA). in order to classify the three
participatory groups by the independent variables.
The individual variables in thes study were tested for
statistical significance and/or theoretical meaningfulness in a
univariate analysis with the "Total Participation" score. The
variables that were accepted were then entered into a "step-wise
multiple (linear) regression". This process enables the researcher to
go beyond the "individual effect' of the predictor variables and
observe each variable in relation to the "group effect" of all the
predictor variables. The group effect may increase or decrease the
level of importance of an individual variable by examining its effect
within the group.
The variables that were entered into the step-wise
regression include:
Personal Control
Perceived Effectiveness
Perceived Difficulty (general)
Perceived Skill Development
Powerlessness
Demographic Variables
Gender was not equally distributed across the three
participatory groups Low=39, Medium=22 and High=17).
However the Chi Sq. was not significant in predicting levels of
participation (X2(2) = .158). Gender was significant in a univariate
analysis with total participation scores (P=.003). This indicates that
P. Tanner & D. Para)uli/ Quanlifj'ing "Peoples '" 179
while it is possible to predict whether an individual is male or
female by their participatory score (for this sample), it is not
possible to predict where that individual is likely to participate on a
3-tier participation scale. using gender alone. The analysis of
variance (A NOVA) is interesting from the perspective of
illustrating that women are, in general, low participators. However,
it does not assist in developing a more meaningful model which
predicts the level at which women are likely to participate. Given
that women are low participators (i.e. 50% of women were in the
low participation group, compared to only 38% of men) and in view
of indirect effects that were apparent in the univariate analyses,
gender will be included in the step-wise regression to determine if
gender interacts with other variables to predict levels of
participation.
The Chi Square analysis for caste was beyond significance where
X2(3) = .061. Similar to gender, the univariate analysis was
significant (P=.O 19) in predicting caste based on actual Scores in
participatory activities. Due to the importance of caste in Nepal, a
certain degree of flexibility will be allowed in significance levels
for caste (significant under .1). Thus, caste and gender will be
entered into the step-wise regression with the control and socio-
political variables.
The number of years that an individual had lived in a
community had a strong correlation with total participation
(P=.O I) and levels of participation (P=.OO I). It was hypothesized
by project consultants and determined in this study, that those
who had lived longer in a particular community were more likely
to be involved in community activities than those who were
more recent immigrants. This is apparent due to an individual's
awareness of community issues and commitment to change
within their community. Thus, the variable that determines how
long an individual has lived in a given community will be
entered into the regression analysis.
Age was not significant in determining participation or
levels of participation. There were some indications that those
participating were generally in the mid-range (32-48 years) and
that participation declined in the younger and older bracket.
However, it was also found that age and gender formed an
indirect relationship which predicted participation. When age
180 Occasional Papers P. Tanner & D. Para}lIli/ Qllanli/Ying "Peoples '.. 181
Table 2 : Variables Entered Into the Multiple Regression
Demographic
Gender
Education
PercentR
Caste
Socio-Political
Powerlessness
Chance
Coefficient~
UnstandardlZed Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
Model B Sid. Error Beta I Sig.
Variables (Constant)
-2.746 .757
-3.627
.000
entered Skills Dev.into the .423 .065 .490 6.474 .000
equation Education .026 .010
'77 2.509 .013(P<.15) Caste Group .111
.062 114 1.792 075
Powerlessnes!
.153 058 222 2.623
.010
Effectiveness 282 108
'85 2.625 009
Chance
·138 057 ·.190
·2.401 017
Gender 242 .119
'41 2.040 043
DIfficulty 121 .075 134 1.618 108
Percent Res 003 002
'05 1.556 122
a Dependent Vanable leyels of PartICIpatIOn
• Vanables omItted from the analySIs are kSled in Table 41
. The va:iables selected by the step-wise multiple
regression explalll 39.1 % of the variance in the model (Figure 9).
The variables that were selected for the Regression Analysis,
Illcluded:
Intrapersona I
Skill
Effectiveness
Difficulty
Discriminant Function Analysis
This statistical technique computes a linear composite of
the dependent variables based upon the discriminant function
loadings ofthe individual variables (Tatsuoka, 197 I). The linear
composite IS a theoretical construct that can then be interpreted
much like a factor in a factor analytic solution. It is important to
pOll1tout that the discriminant function algorithm forms one less
function than the number of groups included in the analysis (e.g.
three groups - low, medium and high participation, for example,
Coefficient~
Unslandardized Standardized
Coefficients CoefficIents
Model a Std. Error Beta Sig
Variables Control 087 1.077 283 084 S58
not Helplessness 014 173 863 0'3 549
entered
mto the Powerful Other! 023 .218 828 017 343
equation Extemal PoL Ef -.060 -.671 503 -052 456
(P<15)
Age .092 1.276 .204 -.099 708
a·Dependenl Vanable Participation Clusters (Low, Medium and High)
was correlated with gender, it was apparent that younger women
tended to participate at a higher level than older women (i.e. 15-
3 I). This was surprising since these women are also likely to be
married and to have a number of children. which would restrict
their time and ability to participate. Thus. while age did not have
a significant impact upon the outcome variable (participation), it
did appear to relate to gender and thus was considered important
to enter into the regression analysis with gender.
SES was not significant (X2=.479) III predicting
participation. There did not appear to be any direct or indirect
relationships that warranted keeping this variable in the
regression analysis.
Demographic Variables Entered into the Regression
Gender Percentage of Time Lived 111
Community (PercentR)
Caste Age
Education (Formal)
Step-Wise Regression Analysis
All variables listed above were entered illto the step-wise
regression. Table I lists those variables excluded by the analysis
and Table 2 lists the variables which were retained by the
analysis and the significance of each variable in relalion to the
group effect.
Table I: Variables Not Entered Into the Multiple Regression
182 Occasional Papers
form up to two discriminant functions) and then tests each for
statistical significance (Tatsuoka, J971).
The nine variables listed in Figure 9, above, were
entered into the discriminant function and a step-wise process
was used to delineate the significant function. One significant
function was produced, from eight of the variables, by this
method (P=.OOO) and 60.2% of the groups were correctly
classified by the eight predictor variables (Table 46). Caste was
rejected from the analysis. The signficance of the variables
accepted in the function are listed in Figure 10.
Variables Significant in the Discriminant Function Analysis
Variables Significance (P<.I 0)
Skill .000
Effectiveness .0083
Difficulty .0316
Powerlessness .0068
Chance .0447
Gender .0822 *
Education .0188
Percent Res. .0338
* Gender was the least significant and contributed little
to the overall function.
Table 3
Discriminant Function Results of Group Classification
Predicted Group
Membership
LOW MEDIUM HIGH
Actual Group LOW Numbers 48 21 5
% 64.9% 28.4% 6.8%
MEDIU~ Numbers 15 26 14
% 27.3% 47.3% 25.5%
HIGH Numbers 6 13 38
% 10.5% 22.8% 66.7%
% of Groups Correctly Classil % 60.2%
P. Tanner & D. Parajll/il Qllanti/Ying"Peoples .... 183
186 cases were used to form the discriminant function
out of the total sample of 218 subjects. 32 cases were omitted
from the analysis due to missing data (Figure II).
Missing Cases in the DFA
Participation Missing Data
Low =18(19.6%)
Medium =9(14.1%)
High = 5 (6.5%)
Most of the above subjects were from the low
participatory group, which fortunately already comprised the
largest group of the sample. Overall, the sample was reduced by
15% for this method (sample size = 186).
Table 3 indicates that the model correctly classified the
low and high groups over 64% of the time. The medium
participation group, however, was only classified correctly 47%
of the time. Those incorrectly classified in group 2 were
distributed evenly between group 1 and group 3. This is an
improvement on previous study (Zimmerman's group 2
predicted 23% of the time) but indicates that there are still some
problems with the model. It may be that the clustering technique
used is not adequate to capture the "middle-of-the-road effect"
for medium participators. Indeed, the fact that the model only
captures 39.1 % of variance would indicate that there are
variables that have yet to be examined which might further
explain participation. In general, it is evident that the combined
variance of the intrapersonal variables skill, effectiveness and
difficulty, with larger socio-political considerations and
demographic variables, are significant predictors of participation
in Nepal for the sample chosen.
Outcomes
The variable for Control (dominant in Zimmerman's
study) was not significant in this analysis but was very
significant in the univariate analysis. This is also to be expected.
From a statistical point of view, the multiple analysis is more
sensitive to the spread between the variables and will discard
those variables which are too closely correlated. In Nepal. it is
184 Occasional Papers
possible that "personal" control is not as major a consideration to
the resource-poor farmer who struggles to cope with difficult
relationships in the community which have resulted from poor
education, position in society and lack of control over the
resources to influence one's own life. If the ability to influence
your own life is out of your grasp, there is little attention paid to
personal control. Perception of effectiveness .in achieving a task
is clearly of great importance and the desire and purSUIt of
knowledge and skills has been identified, both qualitatively and
quantitatively, as very important to the rural population in this
sample. Gender is not a strong variable in the discriminant
function analysis (dfa) but it appears to help in the classification
of the "low" participatory group (contributes approximately 6%
to the classification of this group). This is probably because
50% of the sample in this group were women. Overall, gender
does not greatly influence the overall classification in the model
and could, thus, be omitted from the dfa (without gender, 59.7%
is correctly classified, compared with 60.2%).
The statistical findings indicate that perceptions of
powerlessness and helplessness in the sample were exceptionally
high overall. However, there were clear differences between
groups defined by levels of participation and by caste. Those
individuals who had improved their station in life through
education and skills development had lower mean scores of
powerlessness than those who did not have similar opportunities.
Similarly, there were differences in mean scores of
powerlessness between those who were low status versus those
who were higher status, with correspondingly higher levels of
perceived control. In general, though, these scores were still
very high and indicated that there is an overwhelming perception
of "powerlessness" amongst the rural sample despite their
relative class and position.
There was no indication that economic status influenced
the level at which an individual was likely to participate or the
levels of control and skills development they would have. The
principal reason for this is probably the type of sample chosen.
In general, all the participators in this study could be classified as
"resource-poor". Most individuals in this study were earning
P. Tonner & D. Pora}"Ii/ QlIon/ifj;ing"Peoples '". 185
under I000 Rupees (20 US$) per month and were engaged in
agricultural work. While, for the most part, they owned their
own land, there was very little disposable income in the villages
visited. In fact, there were very few shops where cash could be
used to purchase items. Much of the purchasing of goods is
carried out through barter and exchange and money is used only
for items which have to be brought from outside the area.
Overall, the most important factor in this model was
"skills development" as has been hypothesized by various
researchers. In general, most of the respondents were aware that
they must attain a certain degree of education and skills in order
to change their existing situation. In fact, without being
prompted, most of the sample stated that they had become
involved in community and project activities in the hope of
attaining such education. While this is a common phenomenon
amongst people, it was also tested for its effect in predicting a
respondent's level of participation. Skills development was
highly significant in predicting levels of voluntary participation
in both community and project activities. That is, those
individuals who reported higher levels of perceived skills
development were also high participators. Those reporting low
levels of perceived skills development were lower participators.
This variable accounted for the largest influence in the model, as
was hypothesized at the outset of this study.
Therefore, the combined variance of effectiveness,
difficulty, skills development, chance, powerlessness, education,
gender, and length of time spent in a community, form an
underlying function that may be termed Psychological
Empowerment (PE). The resulting function formed by these
variables is extremely powerful (60.2% accuracy) in predicting
levels of peoples' participation.
Project versus Community Effects
Throughout the analysis phase of this research, there
were continual reminders that people behaved differently when
faced with opportunities to participate in external projects. That
is, the variables that are used to predict voluntary participation in
community activities, do not always apply to project activities or
186 Occasional Papers P. Tanner & D. Parajllii/ Qllantijj;ing"Peoples '... 187
Univariate Analysis by Levels
t the least are not as strong predictors. This was true of the~ariables in' univariate tests. For example, control variables such
as "personal control, effectiveness and difficulty did not have as
strong an effect on project participation, as Table 4, below,
suggests.
Table 4
It is apparent that the variables used in this study are
stronger for "normal" community-related activities than for
"aberrations", such as externally-dl'lven proJects. This
observation is not a new one, however it is an important one for
future research that is aimed at focusing empowerment research
in development activities. In particular, the question of how
projects relate and interact with communities isparam~unt Do
the activities generated by "empowerment/participatory projects
carry over to community activities? It is apparent from thiS
research that people enter into "contracts" with the project for
very different reasons from what they would in their commumty
organizations. Expectations are different and the. effects of
activities and more importantly, results, are critical to an
individual. Future research must keep in mind these inherent
differences no matter what region is under exploration. It is
particularly important in epal because of the findings that
certain variables related to "fatalism", are 111f1uentlal. That IS,
the resource po~r in this study demonstrate a high degree of
powerlessness and belief in chance or luck, wh~ch IS III keeplllg
with both Bista's (1992) findings and with the general
assumptions about the Hindhu culture.
Personal Control and Project Satisfaction
While personal control was a strong predictor by itself, it
was not included in the overall model when related to other,
more effectual, variables. The variables of comrol, effectiveness
and difficulty did not combine in any manner to form a
significant discriminant function that determined participation in
project activities. Ski lis development was the strongest variable
and was significant in both community and project participation.
This is also in keeping with qualitative findings which indicated
that 90% of the respondents joined a project in order to pursue
knowledge and skills. Overall, there was a very high perception
that there was benefit in participation, particularly in project
activities. Individuals perceiving higher gains in skill, through
participation, are more likely to participate in community and
project activities. In addition, those who are participating and
learning new skills are more likely to perceive higher benefits
from that pal1icipation and will continue to pursue involvement
in voluntary activities. The fact that control did not figure
prominently in the overall model may be due to the "dampening"
effect of the project activities. It was indicated in the univariate
analysis that control was a factor in community-related activities
but was not a strong predictor in project-related activities. This
may be the reason why personal control was not a factor and
difficulty was a relatively weak predictor in the overall model
(total participation). If the intrapersonal variables (personal
control, effectiveness and skills developmenet) are entered into a
discriminant function for community and project activities
separately, it becomes apparent that these variables do not form a
significant function for predicting project participators but form
one function of at least two of the variables for community
participators. The latter function is strongest between control
and difficulty, which predicts individual participation levels in
community activities 48% accurately. This would indicate that
"personal control" (and faith in one's elders to effect change),
perceived effectiveness and difficulty, is a stronger predictor of
Effect,\;
o
COn
o
Project
Community
188 Occasional Papers
an individual's level of participation 111 community-related
activities.5
The variable "project satisfaction" was not included in
the overall analysis because it was designed for a specific type of
activity (i.e. project participation). However, some of the items
in the project satisfaction scale might be useful in exploring
changes in people's perceptions as a direct result of the project
and how this affects actual behaviour in community activities.
This would be an important area for future empowerment
research, focusing on project activities, characteristics and
impact. For the purposes of exploring project behaviour, project
satisfaction could be included in the multiple regression.
However, it is uncertain what effect this variable would have in
relation to other variables affecting behaviour in community
activities. For instance, 17% of the sample was not involved in
project activities, which would affect two aspects: (a) it would
reduce the overall size of the sample tested and (b) it would
compare two distinct groups using different combinations of
variables (i.e. project satisfaction is not included in a multiple
analysis with community participation). Therefore, while
limited comparative comments could be made about the overall
"model-fit" to project and community activities separately, these
must be limited in view of the sample and variables entered into
the equation.
Contextualizing a Western Model
There are two important elements to keep in mind whilst
investigating the concept of empowerment. Firstly, Nepal has
only recently emerged from a regimented system of social class.
Secondly, projects which facilitate empowerment in epal are
often doing so within a Western framework of "individualism
and independence-building". This is the nature of empowerment
in the West. However, as Stone (1985) and others have pointed
out, there is strong evidence of "inter-dependence" in Nepal and
a need by the individual to structure his/her behaviour within a
The three variables. together. do not form a single underlying function.
Control and difficult) form a strong predictor dfpanicipmion in
"community" activities only.
P. Tanner & D. Parajuli/ QUClmi}jJjng"Peoples' ... 189
highly elaborate social framework. This study also set out with
an agenda to test Western-oriented notions about empowerment
within a Nepali context. However, additional variables were
included in the analysis which were contextually specific and
sought to investigate certain aspects of Nepali culture. The
findings of this study indicate that these factors were very
important in epa!. In addition, the variables demonstrated that
"personal control", while very important in the Western context,
is not as significant in the epali sample invcstigated. At least,
one can say that the importance of personal control is diminished
in relation to other variables investigated. The overall pattern of
the model is in keeping with the hypotheses made about the
Nepal context. The importance of caste, \\hile not seen as
critical to influencing behaviour, is clearly dominant through the
control of education systems and influence and in the creation of
a general environment of helplessness. However. at the social
level investigated in this study, (i.e. the resourcc-poor farmer), it
is clear that other elements of empowerment are morc dominant.
Resource-poor fanners are generally disempowered and
powerless to make change in their environment. This sentiment
was shared by an overwhelming proportion of the sample
investigated (Mean=5.6, on a 7-point Likert scale). Personal
elements of control and effectiveness arc perceived quite
differently by the resource-poor in this sample and the overall
effect of control, related to Western notions of cmpowerment,
are not very strong within the framework of external projects.
Conclusion
While it is imp0l1ant to lay a foundation of
empowerment theory that explains the relationship of behaviour
to psychological elements of control, quantitative modeling will
never illustrate the entire story. Future models will continue to
improve the accuracy of subsequent models but it is unlikely that
they will ever provide the complete picture. Thus, while there is
a relationship of multiple variables of control in relation to
behaviour emerging, new techniques will need to be developed
which triangulate existing data in order to provide a fuller
illustration, perhaps uSll1g a combination of
190 Occasional Papers
P. Tanner & D. Parajulil QlIlmIW'ing"Peoples '... 191
qualitative/quantitative and empirical methods. onetheless, it
is hypothesized in this study that the variables used would help
to classify correctly more than 60% of the subjects interviewed;
a significant improvement on previous research.6
Uphoff (1992) points out the "chaos" in social,
behavioural patterns studied and hence, would likely describe the
results of this study as merely an approximation or probability of
behaviour; how an individual is likely to act is, as described in
the body of this research, based on perceptions and values.
These dispositions to one end of a "likel ihood scale" or the other,
are like probability distributions. For some, they are normal
curves and for others, they are skewed towards one side or the
other, in spite of or because of what else is going on in one's
environment (Uphoff, 1992:338). Uphoff stated that "people
seldom act without thinking about what others are likely to do or
think" (Ibid: 339). To this end, one could say that our decisions
and actions are based both on what values we give most weight
to and on others' values; acting, therefore, within a convoluted
network of preferences, anticipations and adjustments.7 Thus,
the argument could be taken farther on the individual level and
to suggest that we never know how much of our behaviour is
really "ours" and what is due to the actions and statements of
others. A model of individual behaviour, therefore, may well be
cautious to claim indisputable rights to exact predictability or to
the isolation of an individual from his/her society/community.
As indicated in the statistical analysis, there is sufficient
evidence to validate this model of empowerment, although there
are certain identified limitations. Within the parametres of this
study, however, the predicted combined measures of control did
correlate positively with behaviour. While there were
discrepancies between project and community activities, the
overall assessment of the model was sustained. While personal
• Zimmerman (1992) ·43% corn.:ctly classified, using 3 measures of
perceived control.
Munro (1928:4) observed that "t;:VCIl as every molecule of physical matter is
conditioned and directed by those with which it interacts. so the individual
citizen is similarly motivated and controlled by the influence of those with
whom sthe associates.
control did not have a significant innuence in the overall model.
it was significant in univariate tests. Percei\ed effectiveness and
difficulty were, statistically, very significant and contributed to
the overall model.
It is probable that Psychological Empowerment modeling
can be developed and used as a means to predict and evaluate
participation at anyone point in the empowerment process. or
across the entire time-frame of a project cycle, in order to assess the
overall nature and evolution of the process itself. At present, there
are limited reliable or tested means by which this ca" be
accomplished in "subjective" project planning and implementation.
With the evolution from strict '"blue-print" guidelines for project
implementation (in which '·rigidity" does not allow for Oexible
project planning and hence, tools), .. to a more "process-oriented'·
approach, developing tools to monitor and evaluate every step
within the project frame\\ork, becomes ever more important
(Tanner, 200 I). PE may provide one such means to aid project
implementation and guide development policy. In addition, specific
groups of the population can be targeted for programmes which are
designed to their specific needs and the effects oftl1ose programmes
could be measured.
Scientific-style research can nOI offer complete
cxplanalions for the sources of dynamic and change within social
relations. The ultimate questions in a study such as this one, as to
where ideas, values and idealism, altruism and cooperation, come
from are, perhaps, beyond scientific reach. As Uphoff states, they
have elements of both randomness and order, much the way market
[commodity] price pallerns or political conditions have. Ilow
individuals relate to their comlllunity and vice versa will create a
cause and effect relationship \\ hich create outcomes that are both
predictable and indeterminate. However, they are not completely
random. If they were, there would be no point in acting
purposefully and no point in studying the area. Perhaps, therefore.
the best that one can hope for is to understand the dynamics of
behaviour within the limited framework of the "new (social)
science'· (Tanner, 200 I: 161). We accept the inherent "chaos"
(Uphoff, 1992) in the pallcrns studied and allempt to apply
qualitative and quantitative approaches to triangulate an
approximation or probabil ity of behaviour.
192 Occasional Papers
REFERENCES
Bista, D.B. (1992). Fatalism and Development (Nepal's struggle for
Modernization). Orient Longman, Calcutta 1992
Kieffer, Charles H. (1984). Citizen empowerment: A developmental
perspective. In J. Rappapol1, C. SWIft & R. Hess, R.. (Eds.).
Studies in empowerment: Steps toward understanding and
action (p. 9-36). New York: Haworth.
Prestby JE, Wandersman A, Florin P, Rich R, Chavis D. Benefits,
costs, incentive management and partiCipatiOn In volunt~ry
organizations: a means to understanding ~nd promotmg
empowerment. American Journal of Community Psychology
1990;18(1):117-149.
Tanner, 2001. Emerging Methods in Research Participation and
Empowerment Processes in Nepal. Occasional Papers in
Sociolooy and Anthropology, Vol. VII. Central Department
of SoC~logy Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Nepal.
p.p. 147-173.
Tanner, 2001. The Project: A Brief Discussion From the Development
Context. SAMAJ: Journal of Sociology and Anthropology.
Tri-Chandra Multiple Campus, Kathmandu, Nepal. p.p. 25-
27.
Tatsuoka, M.M. (1971). Multivariate analysis. Techniques for
educational and psychological research. New York: Wtley.
Uphoff, Norman (1992) Learning from Gal Oya:Possibilities for
Participatory Development and Post·Newtolllan SOCial
Science. Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press.
Zimmerman, M. & Rappaport, J. Citizen Participation, Perceived
Control and Psychological Empowerment. Community
Psychology Journal, 1989.
Zimmerman, M. (1992). Taking Aim on Empowerment Research: On
the Distinction Between Individual and PsychologIcal
Conception. American Journal of Community Psychology, 18,
169-177.
CORRUPTION: A PSYCHOSOCIAL ISSUE
Niranjan Prasad Upadhyay'
Introduction
The word corruption is very universal. Today social
researchers are indulging to deal corruption in their own
ways. Especially, psychologists argue that nice and clean man
may change his or her behaviour on the basis of social and
family pressures and circumstances. American psychologist,
David G. Myers (1994) has stressed in his book entitled
"Exploring social psychology" that nice people also become
corrupted through excessive social pressures. Basically, in
developing countries like Nepal, the people are always trying to
accumulate money and want to be rich persons by different
means. In day -to day practice, family members begin to put
pressure on the nice and clean service man to get money by any
means. Actually, such types of daily pressures of the family may
disturb the mental balance of government and non-governmental
personnel. In fact, in every aspect of life the man is negatively
imitating others behaviors in different way of actions like
marriage ceremony, thread wearing ceremony, birthday,
construction of huge buildings, purchasing lands, cars,
diamonds, gold etc.
Corruption is an antisocial activity, which is learnt
through nastiest parenting. Effective parenting by implication,
Chief Psychologist (Joint Secretary) Public Service Commission
194 Occasional Papers
aims at primarily the best type family climate for a congenial
socialization of the individual, as well as, a healthy development
of his or her personality and self. Every one's personality is the
creation of his or her family. Family provides a frame - work
within which human being may find roots, continuity and sense
of belonging. Parents serve as the first socializing agents.
Especially, sound family environment always persists
disciplines, moral and obedience lessons. Mainly, such
diversified effective lessons impart good manner, corruption free
mind, and acquired integrated personality. At the same time, it is
essential to say that psychosocial approach is purely interlinked
with social behavioral phenomena and which is product of
society. So, in this article I have managed to deal various
disciplines pertaining to corruption. Basically, man is influenced
by various factors and those factors disturb his entire personality.
Consequently, he or she may be diverted towards wrong path.
Corruption is a major obstacle to development .It
undermines democracy and destroys the credibility of
government. Effective democracy requires a comprehensive
attack on corruption as a factor of social disintegration and
distortion of the economic system that undermines the legitimacy
of political institutions. Transparency International has done
exceptionally remarkable work in creating worldwide awareness
about the dangerous implication of the growing menace of
corruption, especially for billions of people living in developing
countries.
Corruption in Nepal is so rampant that in spite of many
efforts to reduce it, it exists at all levels of public bureaucracy.
This is really a great challenge to the campaign of national
development (Administrative Reform Commission's Report,
1975-76). Basically, right from the inception of Rana rule in
Nepal, public servants had become bold enough to collect and
save the money any how for the personal use of the Ranas, their
immediate bosses and themselves. The proverb" one who takes
honey out of the beehive, licks his hand" also became popular
and it boosted up their courage to gain some personal privilege
from their respective positions in civil service (Poudyal, 1984).
This psychological encouragement was also supported by the
N. P. Upadhayal Corruption: A Psychosocial ... 195
fact that the large amount of such undue goods and services used
to go directly to their respective masters. Because of all these
reasons, the noble sermon (or the Dibya Upadesh) of Prithibi
arayan Shah, the founder of modern Nepal, was undermined
and violated right from that period, though the words of the
sermon regarded both the bribe -receiver and bribe - offerer as
enemy of the nation. Now they are thrown into the dustbin of
history leaving a legacy of protected type of corruption and
institutionalization of all SOlis of malpractices. As a result, social
status remained only on the money and power irrespective cf its
source. People with black money gained power and emerged as
elites of the nation. This situation also gave a positive chance for
the emergence of wing of contractors and sub -{;ontractors
within the institutionalized pattern of corruption in epa!.
Studies have shown that a very open economy is
significantly associated with lower corruption. An economist,
Paolo Mauro (1997) introduces a research article on "Why worry
about corruption?" in the Economic issues Series. In that article
he stresses that when civil service pay is too low, civil servants
may be obliged to use their positions to collect bribes as a way of
making ends meet.
HMG has initiated important steps towards good
governance and corruption control in this fiscal year. The
government is committed to prepare a Comprehensive Anti
Corruption Strategy and its implementation for corruption
control in the next fiscal year. The strategy regarding the
corruption eradication had to be prepared and implemented by
mid-October 2002 (Public Statement on Income and Expenditure
on the Fiscal year2002-2003, His Majesty's Government,
Ministry of Finance, Bagdarbar, Kathmandu, 'epal).
Recently, (2002 year) Upadhyay introduces an article
on "A fight for corruption control in Nepal" in the Journal of the
Nepal Administrative Staff College. In that article he remarks
that in the case of epal although people may have the
temptation to flout the law for their political gain, if the law is
implemented rather sternly it may be difficult in the initial period
but in the long run that gets settled and the politics gets its own
course of action. Furthermore, there is necessary to make a law
196 Occasional Papers N. P. UpadhayaJ Corruption: A Psychosocial .. 197
Minislries. various departments government and semi
government agencies
But, it is suffering from a bad image among the public. A recent
survey of NGO postulates that people see corruption thriving
under political protection. As high as 84 percent of the survey
respondents were pessimistic about the possibility of corruption
control. They do not even file a complaint against corrupt
behaviour, as no remedy would be available.
Particularly, poor societies with heavy state intervention
and regulations and regulations create numerous monopoly rents
with discretionary powers bestowed on government officials.
Some economists have come up with a simple equation placing
corruption, C, as a function of monopoly (M), discretion (D) and
accountability (A): C =M+D-A. This demonstrates clearly how
corruption exists in an environment where a state organization
has monopoly power over the distribution of goods, discretion to
decide who receives them and is not accountable for its actions
(Wagle, 1998).
epalese administration is characterized by different
kinds of pathological trailS such as the pathology of persistence,
pathology of conservatism, pathology of growth, pathology of
status, pathology of self -service, pathology of buck- passing,
pathology of delay, pathology of nepotism and favoritism and
pathology of corruption. The existence of these bureau-
pathologies have been recognized the major reasons that impede
public bureaucracy on its developmental role. Poudyal, (1986)
stresses that corrupt environment of the country has been one of
the major reasons for the existence of the pathology of
corruption. Pervasiveness of corruption in Nepalese society has
not left any circle untouched from below to top levels. It is
moreover institutionalized and has been accepted as mode of life.
At the same time people within the country do not bother about
the source and nature of income, they worship money and all are
behind it. Because of this corrupt environment, developmental
undertakings of the country are facing lot of problems and the
bureaucracy is caught within the corrupt circle.
Chiefly, to secure an efficient civil service, it is essential
to protect it from political and personal influences. In countries
where this principle has been neglected, and the spoils system
has taken its place, an inefficient and disorganized civil service
Special
Department
Supreme~Court
\
\
~
Office of Attorney
General
~ Courtor
,". Appeal
\\ 1Il.CI1iCf District
Officers
•I
I
Ci\ il ocicly
Corruption
Control
CIAA
Press Media
Auditor General's
Ollice ~
"
"
"
",,~----
Local bodies ...
DOC, VDC
Public AccouO(
Commillee.........
-
Department of
-4--Revenue intelligence
Figure I. Relationsip of Ministries, departments and semi-
government agencies in corruption control (Adapted from
Upadhyay, S.N., A fight for corruption control in Nepal,
Administration and Management Review, Volume 14,No.l,
2002,Nepal Administrative Staff College, Jawalakhel, Lalitpur
Nepal). .
Ghimire, H. (2001) has recently introduced an article on
Pro- poor governance as good governance in Kathmandu Post.
He states that the government is, of course not bad in everything.
that requires a person to declare the legal source of the wealth
acquired by him. Such strategy will greatly contribute to the
fight for controlling corruption. In this subject, Chief
Commissioner presents following figure, which shows the
involvement and relationship of diversified agencies pertaining
to corruption control.
198 Occasional Papers
has been the inevitable result and corruption has been out of
control. It is a leading hindrance to progress. It deteriorates
democracy and destroys the creditability of government.
Effectual democracy requires an abundance attack on corruption
as a factor of social disintegration and distortion of the economic
system that undermines the legitimacy of political institutions.
Recently the government of Nepal has formulated governance
reforms policy. Some of such envisioned reforms are anti
corruption measures, reform management and capacity building,
improvement in the overall efficiency of the civil service,
enhancing competence and motivation of civil servants and
performance improvement in key ministries. In the new program
of anti corruption, the government aims at strengthening the
legal framework for combating corruption through the
involvement of civi I society.
Corruption Scenarios of Developed and Developing
Countries
Even the economic development of the country is
severely handicapped by an inadequate, inefficient and ill
maintained infrastructure whose functioning is hampered by
indescribable malpractices (Sriwastava, 200 I). Sriwastava
flllther adds that correction process must therefore begin at the
topmost political and administrative levels.
There is corruption in developed countries as well but, in
relative terms, it is marginal and it does not affect the day-to -
day life of the common people. In developing countries,
corruption is pervasive and frustrates all efforts to provide relief
to many millions of common people who, even today, are
suffering from abysmal and degrading poverty. The International
Herald Tribune (1999) states the relevant pictures of developing
countries. Tribune further adds that among the 4.4 billion people
in developing countries around the world, three- fifth live in
communities lacking basic sanitation; one- third go without safe
drinking water; one-quarter lack adequate housing, one-fifth are
undernourished, and 1.3 billion live on less than $ I a day.
In 1999 Transparency International carried out a Survey
of as many as 99 countries spread over five continents. On the
N. P. Upadha)'al Corruption: A Psychosocial ... 199
basis of this survey, the 1999 Transparency International
Corruption Perc~ption Index (CPI) was published. At the top of
thIS mdex table IS Denmark, which has the distinction of being
regarded as the most honest country in the world. At the bottom
of the table is Cameroon that is assessed being the most corrupt
country of the world.
The problem of governance presents itself in many
forms both as a social pathology and as outcomes, creating
anxIety Il1 all responsIble quarters about the future of the nation.
Corruption driving strong of avarice and myopic quest for
personal power knows no ideology, nor does it recognize any
rehglon, language, ethnicity or constitutional system. It can be
regulated, contained and controlled only by a sense of social
responsibility (Pandey, D. R., 200 I). Many social researchers
have urged that anti-corruption laws and offices alone will not be
able to cope with corruption. In the democratic environment
"Corruption culture" is widely exercised in different forms of
~ction and social behaviour. Psychologically, man is always
Imltatll1g others pomp and show behaviours. Actually, such
behavIOrs demand illegal way of thoughts and it disturbs mental
balance of the individual. Consequently, the man drives toward
illegal path. Especially, for controlling such types of behaviour
the family members must follow the moral proverb "Cut your
coat accordll1g to your cloth" and never insist to the elders for
necessaries and demands.
Public Servant and Corruption Practice
Mere receipt of money by a public servant raises the
presumption of illegal gratification, which in plain words is
bnbery and corruption. It is not necessary that such a payment
should be definitely concerned to a particular case or contract or
a positive ~r identifiable favour done. Personnel expert,
Mahshukhanl (1979) focuses that a publ ic servant is expected to
be a cautIous man. He or she must conduct in a manner so as not
to create traps or suspicious situations. In the context of
corruption, The ew Encyclopedia Britannica (1997) states that
corruption, th~ act of promising, or agreeing to receive money or
SOme other thll1g of value with the corrupt aim of influencing a
200 Occasionol Papers
brc official duty. When money has been offered or promised
fn
u e~change for a corrupt act, the official involved need not
actually accomplish that act of the offense of bribery to be
complete. . d h t
Personnel management expert has emphasize t a a
civil society must prevent itself from getting accustomed to poor
Tile ma;or barriers to good governance are thegovernance., d "ty
bloated size of the career bureaucracy, lower pro UCtIVI. ' poor
accountability, transparency and integrity. It IS said. that
overnance can be seen as the exercise of eC01:omlc, political
=nd administrative authority to manage country S affairs at all
levels. It comprises the mechanism, process and mslltullons,
th h which citizens and groups articulate their mterests,e:;~fse their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate
their differences. "Governance" is a COntlnU1Un, and not
necessarily unidirectional: it does not automatically Impr~ve
. It ',S a plant that needs constant tendmg. Likeover time. .
democracy governance remains particularly difficult to operate.
Actually Good governance possesses diversified features I.e.transpar~ncy, accountability, public sector management et~
epalese management researchers pmpomt that goo
governance without good bureaucracy will remain a myth. .
Due to the rampant corruption in Nepal, the SOCIO-
economic and political system of the country IS heavily
deteriorated. Psychologically, government. must Impart
awareness-building lessons to the general public as presentmg
the diversified pictures of developed and developmg countries ~~
referring their success in various disciplines. Also govern mel
must disseminate its policies regardmg corruption and publish
those events to the general people through different media.
Transparency International Nepal stresses that a corrupt '~lan
cannot be a democrat, a leader and a parliamentarian.
Accordingly, corrupted persons should be expelled .and ~?CI~lly
boycotted. Regmi, (200 I) has introduced book entitled FIring
Corruption" in his book he has stressed about the prevailmg
irregularities or corruption in government ~ffices. Primarily, to
secure an efficient civil service, it is essential to protect It from
political and personal influences.
N. P. Upadhaya/ Corruplion: A Psychosocial. .. 201
Tactics of Controlling Corruption
In Nepalese context, Transparency International Nepal
is running various multidimensional programs and tactics
pertaining to corruption Control. In this course of actions, it
combats in all forms at national and international levels through
advocacy, civic pressure, professional interaction and awareness
building. Some other objectives that regularly covers like
discouraging abuse of public posts and authority for personal
interests and motivating movements for an active role against
corruption.
Yet the government undertook several measures that
corrected the distortions in the economy and social structure. In
the context of corruption, the daily English, Space Time Today
has remarked that if Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA)
is indeed to play its designated role to popular expectations by
really punishing the corrupt and guilty, some fundamental
rethinking will have to be done. The CIAA has at its disposal to
carry out its duties is inadequate to curb corruption. Corruption,
lack of character, incompetence and abuse of authority have
remained some of the glaring trademarks of too many of those in
the country's public life. This has to be corrected. But, ambiguities
surrounding some of the laws for dealing with such personages as
well as the absence of an effective authority to check wrong doing
at high places has, in fact resulted in widespread disillusionment
with the country's democratic polity itself. Beyond this, the all
pervasiveness of corruption has pre- empted the aspirations of the
people to move forward to a better quality of life. The country has
made too lillie progress in all fronts. Developments efforts have
been moving at too slow a pace 10 meet Ihe minimum expectations
of the people. Anti corruption efforts have remained merely a
Convenient slogan, which people have come to view as not even
amusing. All this obviously has to be straightened out. This will not
be possible until every body, particularly the high and the mighty in
public life, are made accountable to the laws of the land.
Despite frequent assertions of intent by political leaders,
Nepal has yet to develop an effective anti- corruption agenda. All of
these deficiencies, particularly the absence of effective institutional
arrangements to enforce accountability, together with the incentives
for short-lived governments to maximize personal gains as quiCkly
202 Occasional Papers
as possible have created a fertile environment for corruption.
Although there is linle statistical evidence to conclusively prove
whether corruption in Nepal has increased or not, there are enough
examples to indicate the frequency of its incidence and how
widespread the problem is(Nepal Public Expenditure Review,
Document of the World Bank, 2000).
Conclusion
Psychologists advocate that good and dil1 free man may
modify his or her behaviour on the basis of community and family
pressures and situations and consequently he or she may pursue the
wrong path. Social scientists argue that such kind of people also
get corrupted through unnecessary social pressures. In principal, the
developing countries like Nepal, people always try to collect cash
and want to be wealthy person by unusual way. Psychologically,
family members initiate the nice and spotless man as compelling to
obtain currency by any means. In fact, such types of day-by-day
pressures of the family may upset the mental equilibrium of general
man or government and non-governmental personnel.
Corruption is an unfriendly doings, which is learnt through
worst parenting. Effective parenting by implication aims at
primarily the best type family environment for a friendly
socialization of the individual, as well as, a healthy growth of his or
her personality. At the same time it is necessary to say that
psychosocial approach is purcly interlinked with social behavioral
phenomena and it is the product of society. Primarily, man is
influenced by diverse factors and these factors upset his entire
personality.
Nepalese administration, is characterized by different kinds
of pathological traits such as the pathology of persistence,
pathology of conservatism, pathology of growth, pathology of
status, pathology of self -service, pathology of buck- passing,
pathology of delay, pathology of nepotism and favoritism and
pathology of corruption. The existence of these bureau- pathologies
have been recognized the major reasons that hamper public
burcaucracy on its developmental role. Psychologically,
government and non -governmental organizations must impart
awareness-building programs pertaining to corruption control.
N. P. Upadhaya/ Corruption: A Psychosocial 20
.. 3
REFERENCES
Encyclopedia Britannica Vol.2, 1997, USA, P. 509.
Gh Illllre H (200 I) " P
'K . . . ro- poor governance". in Kathmandu Post
antlpur Publications, PVI. Lid., Kantipur Complex'
Subhldhanagar, Kathmandu, Nepal. '
James, G.S. (19:'9). "The eglect of GrOWing Povel1y Poses a Global
Threal. III The Imernational Herald, P.6.
Mansukhanl, H.L. (1979). "Corruption and Public servants". in Vikas
PubllShlllg House, PVI.Ltd., New Delhi.
Myers, D.G .. (1994). "How nice people get corrupled?" In ExplGrin o
Social Psychology, McGraw- Hill, Inc., USA. ~
Nepal Pubhc Expenditure Review (2000). Document of the World
Bank, Report No.20211-nep, Poverty Reduction and
P Economic Management Unit South Asia Region.
oudyal, M:P. (1984). Aspects of Public administration in Nepal.
atlOnaJ Book Organisation, ew Delhi.
Regmee, R.. K. (200 I). "Firino Corruption" in TI' :=>. ransparency
. . ntematlOnal Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Srrohl, Ai.and Chauhan, N:S. (1991). "Parenting in child socialization:
s.tudy of fathering roles ship In a multivariate selling". In
. Indian Journal of Psychology, Indian
Space Time Today (2001). Editorial writing on "Appropriate decision"
111 Space Time Publication, Pvt. Ltd., Panipokhari Kathmand;1
Nepal. "
Srivastrva, C.P. (2001). India's Enemy Within. In Macmillan India
Ltd. The New Delhi. '
Upadhhyay, S.N. (2002). A fight for corruplion comrol in Control.
AdministratIOn and Management Review A Journal f Th
Nepal Administrative Staff Colleoe J~walakhel LOal't eNepal. e> , I pUI
Upadhyay,. N.P. (2002,). Corruplion in Nepali bureaucracy. The
Hlmalayan,(Eng.) The Himalayan Times, APCA House
Slllgha Durbar, Baidyakhana Road Kathmandu Nepal '
Wagle, S. (1998). Literature Review on the corruptio~ debat~ in the
economIcs literature A Journal of Ad .. .
. min rstratlOn
Management and Development, Kathmandu, Nepal. '
NGO/INGO CENTERED APPROACH:
AN ALTERNATIVE APPROACH TO
DEVELOPMENT
Harihar Ghimire'
A non-governmental organization (NGO) is a social
organization motivated to work in sectors like religion, socio-
cultural, economic, educational, environment, women, children,
etc, irrespective of any political ideology and belief. It is a non-
profit social institution established formally after registering at
the Chief District Officer's office and affiliated with the Social
Welfare Council (SWC) to work for the socially and
economically backward people. In other words, apart from those
governmental institutions working collectively for any social
works, other organizations and institutions registered formally
and lawfully at the government offices and which get renewed
every year in district administration office are known as NGOs.
These are voluntary, non-profitable, service oriented, and
autonomous organizations. The objectives, thoughts and visions
of these organizations may vary as per the targeted areas and
their areas of concern.
In different countries various terms are used for GOs,
such as private voluntary organizations in the United States, civil
organizations in Latin America, voluntary development
organizations in Africa and peoples' organizations in some parts
of Asia. The World Bank treats them as private or voluntary
organizations. These different terminologies denote what is
referred to as NGOs in Nepal. The Social Welfare Council
Mr. Harihar Ghimire is an Sociologist and has been associated
with the Department ofSociology/Amhropology, Patan Multiple
Campus, Patan T. U., in a Capacity of Assitam Lecturer.
H.H. Chimire! NCOIINCO Centered... 205
(SWC) and NGOs Federation are the NGOs' apex bod· .Nepal. les In
. Any organization that is registered in any country as per
Its rules and regulations is known as international nOn-
governmental organization (INGO). According to the resolution
No. 288(x) p~ssed on February 27, 1950 by the Economic and
SOCIal Councli of the United Nations, those organizations not
organIzed or mter-related through treaties are known as INGOs.
The artIcle I of the draft blil for international non-governmental
organIzatIon treaty of the Union of International Association has
po lilted out the following characteristics of the INGOs:
a) Not having any objective of economic benefit
b) Recognized at least by one nation, '
c) To be an international forum
. The members of the INGOs might c~nsist of individuals
or natIonal SOCIal organizations. The Prospectus/Constitution of
the I .GOs at the tllne of registration becomes the major
gUldelme or dllectiv.e for work. The INGOs do not become the
sUbJe~t of IIlternatlOnal law nor do their prospectuses or
constItutions be~ome formulated through international treaties.
But, these organizations become the subject of national law. The
INGOs can keep tangible and intangible assets and become the
party In any Judiciary agencies. In some countries like Belgium,
the speCial laws and acts govern the formal status while in
countnes like England and France simple laws and acts 00ve
the formal status included in references (Ghimire, 200 I). TI~:
World Bank defines NGOs as "a wide variety of groups and
mstltutlons that are entirely or largely independent of
governments, and characterized primarily by humanitarian or
CooperatIve, rather than commercial objectives"
.Globalization and development can be sustainable and
benefi.clal to the people only if it is growing below as a process
from InSide t~ outSIde, based On principles of cooperation and
complementarliy, rather than imposed from outside and based on
the relatlonslllp of dominance and competition. Such an
IIlclUSlve process of globalization will not juxtapose the macro
WIth the micro, local With the national and the material with the
spJrltual.
206 Occasional Papers
Democracy, nevertheless, is only a necessary and not a
sufficient condition for people focused development. Tills IS
because democracy, like the market, provides opportunity
mainly to the socially strong and economically rich .. The weak
and the poor need to organize themselves for solldanty and
collective action for betterment of their own 0pp0I1ul1ltteS and
scope of action. This is where the NGOs/lNGOs can playa
catalyiic role (Acharya, 1997). Ih .,
Likewise, the expenence of the 20 century II1dtcates
that the state intervention cannot play positive and efficient role
all over the nation. But, it could play positive and efficient role
only in certain spheres of development initiatives. In the state
centered approach, the process of development goes like thIs -
macro policy making, rules and regulatIon, formatIon and
promotion of necessary social and physical infrastructure are the
most appropriate spheres for state II1terventton. But, modern
states, with a vast and rigid bureaucracy, are hardly capable of
micro-policy reforms and power sharing. Further, states are
often captured by the powerful and the wealthy and should
maintain a political balance among various .interest groups.
Likewise, the market-centered approach proVides opportul1lty
mainly to socially strong and economically rich. Therefore,
decision-making must be shifted from the state and the market to
the people.
People's participation and empowerment of the people to
control their own destinies should be the primary obJecltve of
development. This is possible only in NGO/lNGO centered
approach. This approach puts people at the center of the
development efforts.
Ghimire (200 I) has pointed out the following
distinguished features ofNGOs/INGOs:
a) Participatory planning: the local people are made to
participate in the planning process . right from
formulating, to implementation and mOl1ltonng. It IS
thus pal1icipatory in nature.
b) Financial and technical assistance: they provide
financial and technical assistance to the people.
H. H. Chimirel NCOIINCO Centered... 207
c) Development by the people and for the people: the
programs are not directly implemented from the top
level. The local people are also involved in various
processes of the programs. The local people develop
their own plans rather than other agents deciding on
their needs.
d) Mass mobilization and creating awareness: all plans and
programs are based on the involvement of the total
mass. This process of involving the masses is effective
in getting the results as awareness programs are also
launched side by side.
e) People as an active and responsible agent of
development: the local people get the feeling that they
have to be involved in their programs as they are the
ones to get the maximum benefit out of it. Hence, they
feel more responsible and act as an active actor of
development.
f) Income generation and empowerment: various income
generating and empowerment programs are launched
through GOs/INGOs. All the people are involved in
some development activities so that they can perform
sustainable economic activities. For this to be effective,
empowerment programs have to be meaningful and
powerful tools for development. The local people are
involved in the income generating activities by forming
groups and users' groups.
g) Lacks long time perspective and low area coverage: the
weak aspect of NGO/INGO programs is that they are
usually for short term and cover only a small area. Most
of the programs are stopped in the middle and all the
investment in it becomes useless and less effective. It
also does not help develop all areas of the country.
h) Welfare, basic human need and sustainability: the basic
features or characteristics of NGOs/lNGOs is that they
focus on human welfare and basic needs. They work as
non profit organizations and thus can be said to be of
welfare motive. When the programs are handed over to
the community after a lot of guidance and trainings, the
208 Occasional Papers
programs seem to be sustainable and well functioned
and people seem to take the responsibility of sustaining
the programs as they are the ones who get the maximum
benefit.
i) Priorities in rural area, remote area, poor, disabled and
women: another distinguishing feature ofNGOs/INGOs
is that they work for the poor and people living in
remote and rural areas and who are unable to improve
their living standard. Disabled and people who are
looked down upon by the society and government are
the focus ofNGOs/INGOs.
Government attempts at social mobilization in many
developing countries attempted during the 1980s have mostly
been a failure because they are top-down, service delivery
oriented and often elite dominated. Cooperatives are an excellent
example in this context. Further, such groups are not sustainable
because they are organized in the first place for efficient delivery
of services and not for self-help and self-development of the
people. Capacity and efficiency in social mobilization is the
greatest advantage the NGOs have. Many governments and
donors are looking at the NGOs as a "means of getting benefits
more directly and cheaply to the poor than governments have
been able to accomplish on their own" (Korten, 1987).
INGOslNGOs have been able to start from a small scale
and expanding the scope of their activities slowly. NGOs/INGOs
put people at the centre of the development discourse. Specially,
they focus on poor, deprived women, children, marginalized
groups etc. and their neat sectors are agriculture, health,
education, environment etc.
NGOs in Nepal
The concept ofNGOs is not new to the Nepalese people.
Ancient social institutions like Guthi, Dhikuti, Parma,
Dharmabhakari, Murdaguthi, Pujaguthi, Pati, Pauwa, Kuwa
Rotating credit associations or self-help banks were run by
different communities. Pati, Pauwa- a cottage was built by the
local community with trees planted for shade which provided
rest for tired travellers. Kuwa- wells were dug by the community
H.ff. Chi",!rel NCOIINCO Centered. . 209
for drinking water. And these initiatives can be considered now
as NGOs in the Nepalese context.
"Shree Chandra Kamadhenu Charkha Pracharak
Mahaguthi" is considered as the first NGO to be formally
established in Nepal with the objective of social work. It was
established in 1983 B.S. Similarly, the "Charkha Pracharak
Sanstha" established in 1985 B.S by Tulshi Mehar Shrestha can
also be regarded as an NGO. In 2004 B.S, social worker Dayabir
Singh Kansakar had established a "Paropakar Aushadhalaya
(Now known as Paropakar Sanshtha) regarded as an NGO, to
help the physically incapacitated people. It was only after the
political turnover during 2007B.S. that the NGOs were
established in a formal and organized manner. In this regard, the
first elected government in 2016 B.S adopted Association
Registration Act 2016. This Act has profound importance in the
history of the NGOs. But, while the people were still to know
about the NGOs, and as the foundation of democratic
government was in the process of setting up, Late King
Mahendra adopted the Panchayat system on Poush I, 2017 B.S
by restricting establishment of political parties and
organizations/institutions. Then the status of the non-
governmental organizations became weak. Still, during the time
of Panchayat system social organizations like Paropakar, Red
Cross, Nepal Jaycees etc were established. Likewise, the
tradition of nominating the Royal Family members as the
Chairperson of such organizations started (Ghimire, 2001)
From 2041/42 B.S, there has been a constant increase in
the number of NGOs. There were 106 registered NGOs in the
Kingdom of Nepal in 2041/42 B.S. and it increased to 191
before the establishment of democracy in 2046 B.S. In a real
sense, the establishment or registration of NGOs increased
rapidly after the political change of 2046 B.S. In 2049 B.S.
Social Welfare Act was adopted. Then the SWC was established
to monitor and coordinate and evaluate the works of national and
international non governmental organizations. SWC keeps the
updated records, helps and provides suggestions to the
government regarding the plans and policies relating to the
NGO/INGOs.
210 Occasional Papers
There is no doubt that the NGOs are the actors of
development. Therefore, NGOs have been recognized as
important avenues for development promotion and for the first
time in Nepal, the Eighth Five Year Plan (2049-2054 B.s)
emphasized the importance of NGOs in enhancing production
activity and socio-economic development. The current Five Year
Plan (2054-2059 B.S) also has continued and recognized the
important role of GOs in development.
In the early 1990s, new policies were formulated which
have made registration of GOs much easier than in the past. As
a result, the GO sector is growing fast. There are three Acts
which govern NGO/lNGO activities in general. First, the
Constitution of the Kingdom of epal 1990 ensures the right to
open associations by all citizens. Second, the Social Welfare Act
(1992) has established the SWC under the chairmanship of the
Minister or Minister of State of Social Welfare which is to
coordinate, facilitate, promote and mobilize NGOs for social
welfare activities.
After the amendment of the Association Registration
Act (1977), the new law provided for registration of NGOs, at
all the COO offices with minimum of restrictions. Any group of
seven Nepali citizens may apply for registration specifying the
name, address, and objectives of the organization. The NGOs are
required to present audited accounts each year for the
registration renewal of the organization.
Third, DOC and VDC Act (1992) tries to regulate
DDCIVDC in coordinating the NGO/INGO activities in their
respective areas to provide grants to NGOs and to enter into
agreements with them for conducting programs and projects.
VDCs are authorized to demand plans and programs from NGOs
operating in their areas. GOs are required to receive clearance
for their projects from VDCs and through them, from DOCs.
They are also required to work in close collaboration with the
DOCs.
Presently, it is estimated that there are around 25
thousand NGOs working in the Kingdom of Nepal. But,
according to the record of the SWC, there were 7,389 NGOs
registered till 2055/3/23. This number increased to 8,880 by
H.H. Chimire/ NCO/INCO Centered... 211
Ashad 2056 B.S. Likewise, the statistics shows II 036 NGOs
affiliated with the Council by the year 2057 B.S. TI;e Council's
2058 B.S. record shows 12,388 GOs registered. If we look at
the developmental practices in Nepal, we see that the national
and international non governmental organizations have played a
vital and key role. These organizations seem to be helping
(being the partner in development activities) the government in
development efforts as they are working and focusing in areas
like the least developed regions, ethnic minorities, downtrodden
women, children, etc. But, GOs/lNGOs cover only selected
areas and sectors, it is unable to develop equally in all areas and
sectors of epal. There seems to be the prevailing trend of
stopping or leaving the programs in the middle of
implementation and the practice of earning without work. Also,
we find the lack of coordination between the govel'l1ment and the
Social Welfare Council and between the national and the
international Non-governmental Organizations.
Kinds of NGOs in Nepal
From a developmental perspective with the analysis of
various NGOs, there are mainly national welfare oriented NGOs,
professional NGOs and district! village based NGOs.
I) National welfare oriented NGOs
Some wei fare oriented NGOs operate on a national scale
and have long histories. Nepal Red Cross Society, Family
Planning Association of Nepal, Nepal Netra Jyoti Sangh, Nepal
Anti T.B. Association are some examples of the welfare oriented
NGOs in Nepal. They have developed strong institutional
structures, for example, equipped hospitals and clinics. Such
NGOs have local offices and programs in many parts of the
country. Even though their annual expenditure is around a
million dollars they miss long term visions.
Nepal Red Cross Society (NRCS)
Nepal Red Cross Society (NRCS) was established in
1963. It has a chapter in all the 75 districts of the nation. It is
supported by more than 500 sub chapters and coordination
committees and more than 432 thousand members (as of 1995
212 Occasional Papers
AD). Program areas include community development including
water and sanitation programs and community based first-aid
programs: health services including blood transformation, health
education, health service, family planning, ARI and AMS
programs; disaster management including prevention,
mitigation, preparedness, and rescue and relief activities.
Family Planning Association of Nepal (FPA )
FPAN was established in 1959 A.D. It has grown to
cover 27 districts. Its objectives include promotion of family
planning as basic human right, empowering both men and
women to make voluntary and informed choices and to support
government family planning programs. Its activities are focused
on family planning education, training, family planning
promotion and services; mothers and child health services; and
community development activities.
2) Professional NGOs
These kinds of NGOs are generally staffed with highly
qualified personnel. Most of the professional NGOs are involved
in research and action programs. Institute of Integrated
Development System (liDS), Rural self-reliance Development
Centre (RSDC), Nirdhan, etc. are some examples of professional
NGOs. Usually, an executive director is hired for day to day
management of the organization.
3) District!Village based NGOs
These kinds of NGOs have often evolved out of the
effort of a single charismatic leader. The leader is usually
involved in various activities of the organization including fund
raising, planning, coordinating as well as implementing. Their
plan depends upon the availability of donation. Thus, long term
visions are often missing and they often have to be guided by the
interests of the donors. Social and health and environmental
institutions are the examples of district! village based NGOs.
INGOs in Nepal
I GOs have been recognized as important avenue for
development promotion. A large number of I GOs operate in
Nepal. The United Mission to Nepal (UM ) and Helvetas have
H.H. Chimirel NCOIINCO Centered... 213
been operating for more than four decades. Strategies of
NGOs/lNGOs of local intervention are similar. But, INGOs also
function as donors to NGOs. Priority of funding and input
components depend upon the objectives of each INGO and its
leadership's vision, group awareness raising, group formation
and credit are to all programs.
Most of the INGOs working as direct implementers has
a fairly large number of staff and a complex organizational
structure. CARE-Nepal works mostly as direct implementer of
programs. UMN also implements programs by itself. It has a
fairly large working network at community, district and central
levels. Even though, Lutheran World Service (LWS) has a large
establishment with more than 350 employees in its six project
areas, it works in coordination with local partners in each of its
project areas. LWS partners include national level NGOs like the
Red Cross, the UN agency like UNHCR and grassroots
development institutions.
In Nepal, lNGOs have been working for the last four
decades. The INGOs like UMN and Helvetas Nepal have been
working for the development activities. According to the Social
Welfare Council, there were 82 INGOs in the year 2056/57 B.S.
working in Nepal. This number reached 103 in the fiscal year
2057/58. The amount spent in various programs by these INGOs
in 2057/58 was Rs. 1.45 billion. In 2058/59 the amount reached
Rs. 2.4 billion.
Weaknesses
No principles, assumptions, and concepts can remain
away from limitations and criticisms. The NGOIINGO approach
to development also has certain limitations of its own though it
seems working perfectly in the twenty-first century for the
downtrodden and poor people. It also seems to be working hand
in hand with the international governments to bring positive and
constructive results. Still, this approach has following limitations
and criticisms:
I) Lack of sustainability:
As programs rely upon international donors and
technical supporters, such programs have to be stopped when the
214 Occasional Papers
donors stop the fund or technical help. It does not in any case
help sustainable development.
2) Covers limited sectors only or less coverage:
The NGOs cover only the limited selected areas and
sectors as per their objectives and convenience. They do not help
in equal development and in up-lifting the socio-economic
conditions of all the people of a country.
3) Lack of local people's actual need in the programs:
Almost all the programs give priority and emphasis to
the interests of the donors rather than giving priority to the
actual felt needs of the targeted people. It does not in the long
run help solve the problems of the needy people.
4) Lacks social welfare motive:
Though the NGOs promise to work with the social
welfare motive, most of them operate with the objective of
making profit. This will not help in reaching the objectives as
targeted.
5) Lack of execution of set goals:
The records of all the GOs remain in the COO office
and in the SWCI, but there is a lack of a mechanism to monitor
and evaluate the works done by those organizations. Only some
NGOs are practically in existence and working as per their
objectives. This trend will certainly not lead to positive changes
in the society.
6) Political affiliation (affiliation to certain political
parties):
Many NGOs in the country seem to be directly affiliated
to one particular party. They follow the political directives given
to them by their leaders and work for the interests of such
parties. Many NGOs have been opened by a direct link with
international traders and they are mobilized to preach on
religion.
7) Lack of special provision to establish a NGO:
As any person can establ ish NGOs, and there is no
provision or process of sustaining the established NGOs, there
remains a trend of dismissing them at any time they like.
8) Lack of coordination:
H. H. Chimirel NCOIINCO Centered .. 215
There is a lack of coordination between the government
and the SWC and between the INGOs and NGOs. It creates
misunderstandings and duplication of work within such
organizations. The govel'l1ment seems to be losing even the legal
control and monitoring of the NGOs and INGOs. The SWC
which has the responsibility of guiding the NGOs/lNGOs in
right track is unable to do so due to lack of infrastructure and
other capabilities.
9) Lack of monitoring:
There is no mechanism to evaluate, supervise and guide
the GO/fNGOs working throughout the country. Hence, some
organizations seem to be gaining a national status without
performing designated and set goals. This trend does not help
motivate hard working organizations as they always remain in
shadow.
10) Differences in Setting of priorities:
Some of the fNGOs seem to be glvlllg pnonty and
attention to the interests of their own country rather than
focusing on the interests of the local people.
I J) Change (modification) in local culture and technology:
The local problems may not be solved as INGOs
introduce and implement technologies not suitable to the
necessities of the local people. It lacks the appl ication of suitable
technologies in the existing socio cultural and geographical
environments and conditions. The local culture tradition
practices and technologies also either change or' modify 0;
become extinct.
12) High expenditure in remuneration of foreign experts:
The INGOs employ foreign citizens as local consultants.
This leads to allocating most of the financial resources to the
foreign employees which should have been allocated to the
development projects. The foreign employees may not be
familiar with the local problems and the appropriate method of
solutions.
13) Not able to reach the targeted people:
With some exceptions, most of the INGOs have not
been able to reach down to the real and actual targeted groups
216 Occasional Papers
and poor people who are in need of help. They are unable to
mobilize the resources properly.
14) Lack of accountability:
The INGOs and NGOs are not accountable to any
agencies in practice. They ought to be accountable to the
working groups while doing work and accountable to the SWC
too.
15) Lack of transparency:
Regarding the funds and financial mechanisms,
INGOslNGOs are not transparent. Many INGOs have denied
giving their statements of annual income and expenditures to the
SWC.
Conclusion
The NGOs/INGOs are non-profitable institutions. NGOs
mostly focus on sectors like: agricultural expansion, irrigation,
forestry, drinking water, basic and primary education, primary
health care etc while I GOs focus on awareness raising, group
formation and credit, area development, health and humanitarian
assistance etc
There is no doubt that NGOs/l GOs playa pivotal role
in nation building, but, due to the lack of sustainability and
accountability the beneficial and effective results have not
materialised. Channel of their funding and financing
mechanisms are not transparent. For solving this problem the
government should be able to monitor, guide and facilitate their
activities to empower the people.
REFERENCES
Acharya, M. Non-government Organization (NGOs)- Led
Development in Nepal, pp. 69-99, Occasional Papers in
Sociology and Anthropology, Published by Central
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Kirtipur, 1997.
Bhattachan and Mishra (Editors): Developmental Practices in Nepal,
Published by Central Department of Sociology and
Anthropology, Kirtipur, 1997.
Bongartz, Heinz and Dahal, D.R. Development Studies, Self Helf
Organization. NGOs and Civil Society, NEFAS and FES,
1996.
H.H. Chimirel NCOIINCO Centered .. 217
CEDA. Role of NGOs in National Development, Seminar Report,
1992.
Chambers, Roberts, Whose Reality Counts, Bath, United Kingdom
International Technology Publication, Bathpress, 1992.
Chand, Diwakar. Development Through Non-government
Organization in Nepal. India Institute for Social Development
Research and Social Services, 1991.
Chetri, Ram, B. Rotating Credit Association in Nepal: Dhikuri as
Capital, Credit, Saving and Investment. pp. 449-454. Human
Organization, Volume 54, November 4, 1995.
Franz, Telmo Rudi. The Role of NGOs in strengthening of Civil
Society in World Development, Volume 15, Supplement, pp.
39-49,1987.
Ghimire, H.H., Nepalma Vikas Ka Prayasharu (Developmental
Practices in Nepal) Sajha Prakashan, Kathmandu, 200 I.
Himal South Asia (Himalayan Magazine), Published Monthly by
Himal Association, Lalitpur, Nepal.
Korten, David. Third Generation NGO Strategies: A Key to People
Centered Development, PP. 145-159, in World Development,
Vol. 15, Supplement, 1987.
Ministry of Law and lustice: GO Act (with post Ammendments)
KathmandU, Ministry of Law and lustice, 1977.
National Planning Commission. The Ninth Five Year Plan,
Kathmandu, National Planning Commission, 1998.
Occassional Papers (Series of Issues) Published by CDOSA (Kirtipur),
DOSA (Patan Multiple Campus), APROSE, ICIMOD, etc.
Rhian, Hill and Tamang Deepak. NGO's in Nepal: Change and
Challenge, Kathmandu, SEARCH, 1990.
THE DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF
PATIENTS SEEKING HEALTH CARE FOR
INFANT AND CHILDHOOD ILLNESSES AT
NEPAL MEDICAL COLLEGE AND
TECHNING HOSPITAL
Kishore Raj Pandey'
Phanindra Prasad Kane
Debendra Karki
Abstract:. This paper presents the demographic
characteristics of 424 patients and their parents/guardians over a
four month period seeking health care for infant and childhood
illnesses at Nepal Medical College and Teaching Hospital which
is located at the outskirts of the Kathmandu Valley. The
objective of the paper is to find out the health care of infant
patients at Nepal Medical College. Out of a total of 424 patients
seeking health care for infant and childhood illnesses over a four
month long period at Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital, only 42 percent were females and the remaining 58
percent of the patients were males. Despite the fact that Nepal
Medical College and Teaching Hospital is located in an area that
is home to many of the large carpet factories located in the
Kathmandu Valley which employ a lot of people that belong to
various "tribal" and "ethnic" groups, the findings from the study
point to the fact that almost half of the patients came from higher
caste groups-mainly Brahmins and Chenris (214 Ollt of 424
patients). Only 105 patients stated that they belonged to a Hill
Tribal Group and another 36 patients stated that they belonged to
a Terai Tribal Group. The most overlooked group consisted of
Authors nrc Associal~d with Nepal Medical ColI~go. Allarkhe1.
Kathmandu.
K. R. Pandey/ The Demographic Characleristics ... 219
the Dalit Group with only 10 patients. The overall school
attendance rate of patients seeking health care services for infant
and childhood illness as reported in this study appears to be very
high. Only 8 patients out of 176 patients that were 6 years and
older stated that they had never attended school so far. This
points to the fact that the school attendance rate of patients that
are seeking health care services for infant and childhood illness
at Nepal Medical College and Teaching Hospital is quite high.
This hospital-based study with very limited resources is a proof
that very high quality research can be conducted that hi<>hliohts
o 0
many of the positive as well as negative aspects of health care
services Nepal Medial College and Teaching Hospital has to
offer. This study also points to the fact that various departments
within the parent institution and professionals with different
backgrounds and interests can conduct collaborative research.
Key words: Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital, health services, opportunity costs, infant and childhood
illness, Kathmandu Valley.
1. Introduction
While there are numerous factors that contribute to
infant and childhood illnesses, this paper outlines the
demographic characteristics of patients seeking health care for
infant and childhood illnesses at Nepal Medical College and
Teaching Hospital (NMTCH). This paper presents the findings
of a hospital-based study of 424 patients that came to seek health
care for infant and childhood illnesses during a four month
period (March-June, 1999) at the Out patient Department at
Nepal Medical College and Teaching Hospital. Various factors
affect the interval between the onset of the illness and its
outcome. It is generally assumed that if prompt, and adequate
treatment is provided, the outcome will usually be satisfactory,
therefore, the outcome is most adversely affected by delayed
treatment (Deborah, 1994).
At the time this research activity was conducted, it had
been only a little over a year since Nepal Medical College and
Teaching Hospital had started to provide health care services in
both its out patient department and hospital based services. This
(2)
(3)
220 Occasional Papers
paper outlines the findings of one of the very first research
activity that was carried out at the Nepal Medical College and
Teaching Hospital. At the outset, it was decided that It was of
paramount importance to both the department of pedlatncs ~nd
department of community medicine to have sufficient emplr~cal
data on the demographic charactenstlcs of the patients seeklllg
health care for infant and childhood illness. These two
departments would not be able to plan to expand se~vices in the
areas of immunization, counseling and maternal child health m
absence of such data.
2. Data and Methods
The data used in this paper were collected as part of a
larger study that sought to solicit informati?n on the factors that
affect the interval between the onset of the Illness and the tll11lng
of arrival at MCTH to seek health care to the parents/guardians
of the children with illness. The research design employed a
combination of survey questionnaires and "focused II,-depth
interviews" (Knodel, 1997) to analyse categorically the health
seeking behaviour of infant and childhood illnesses at the
NMCTH. On the outset it must be noted that mfants and children
do not seek health care on their own. Data was collected over a
four months period (March-June, 1999) with a total. of 424
parents/guardians that accompanied their infants and children to
seek health care services at MCTH. The "focused m-depth
interviews" were conducted with the parents/guardians upon
receiving their verbal "informed consent". Certain broad themes
were developed prior to the study and pre-tested. Necessa~·y
interviews" were free flowing and lasted between 20 and 00
minutes. These "focused in depth interviews" were conducted by
a trained nurse who has had many years of experience in health
and social research.
Survey questionnaires were administered to all 424
parents and guardians that accompamed their mfants and
children to NMCTH. The survey questionnaires collected vital
information of the following topics:
(I) demographic characteristics of the clients;
K. R. Pandey! The Demographic Characterislics ... 221
actors involved in decision-makincr (father
'" ,
mother, brothers, sisters, uncle, aunt, other
relatives, etc);
Costs, time and means of transportation used to
travel to the MCTH;
(4) distance travelled from home to NMCTH;
(5) financial and opportunity costs;
(6) previous experience with NMCTH; and
(7) their perceived quality of care at NMCTh.
The survey questionnaires were pre-coded ond
administered by the trained researchers. It must be noted here
that information obtained through the survey questionnaires were
complemented through "focused in-depth interviews."
Furthermore, it was vital that the same trained person conducted
both the qualitative and quantitative components of the research.
3. Findings of the Research
3.1. Demographic Characteristics of Patients
Out of a total of 424 infants and children seeking health
care servies at Nepal Medical College and Teaching Hospital
over a period of four months, data were collected from 180
female and 244 male patients
Table 1 presents the number and percentage according to
caste/ethnicity of patients seeking health care for infant and
childhood illnesses at Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital. A total of 424 infants and children received health care
services during the four month long period of which the largest
group were Brahmins (N=121) which were closely followed by
Hill Tribals (N=105). It must be noted here that the smallest
number of health care seekers during that time period were the
Dal it Group(N= 10).
3.2. Living Arrangement of Patients
Table 2 presents the number and percentage of patients
stating that they live with their family members or have other
living arrangements. Of the 424 patients, 411 stated that they live
with their immediate family members. only 13 patients stated
that they have other living arrangements.
222 Occasianal Papers
3.3. Schooling of Patients
Out of a total 176 patients were 6 years of age and older.
Table 3 presents the level of schooling completed by patients 6
years and older and the number of patients enrolled at the pre-
primary level. When these 176 patients were asked about theIr
level of schooling 8 stated they have received no schoohng so
far. 157 patients stated that they are currently attending or have
enrolled at the Primary School (classes I through 5) level In the
past. Similarly, another II patients stated that they are currently
attending or have enrolled at the Lower, Secondary School(classes 6 and 7) level in the past. Another 9J patIents stated ~hat
thety were attending shcool at the Pre-primary level at the tIme
of the interview.
.Table 4 presents the number and percentage accordll1g to
the type of school attended by 168 patients 6 years and above. A
vast majority of them (N= 136) stated that they attended a Private
Bording School.
..None of the patients stated that they attended a Rehglous
School. Only 24 of the 168 students that were currently enrolled
in any school stated that they attended a Government School.
3.4. Occupation of the Person the Patient is Living with
Table 5 presents the occupation of the person (in
numbers and percentage) the patients is living with. A httle less
than half of the respondents (N= 169) stated that they were eIther
unemployed or underemployed. One hundred and seventeen
respondents stated that they were employed in the private sector
or the non- governmental sector. Another, 70 respondents stated
that they were government employees. 40 respondents stated that
they were self- employed and another 28 respondents stated that
they were farmers.
3.5. Employment Status of Patients
Finally Table 6 presents the number and percentage of
patients 6 year~ and above who stated that they have worked for
wages or were unemployed in the last o~e week. Out of 176
patients that were 6 years and above, 17J, patients stated that
K. R. Pandey! The Demographic Charac/erist/cs .. 223
they have remained unemployed in the last one-week. Only 3
patIents stated that they worked for wages in the last one week.
4. Conclusion
. First of all it must be noted that out of a total of 424
patIents seekmg health care for mfant and childhood illnesses in
a four month long period at Nepal Medical College and Teachi
H . I ngosplta, only 42 percent(N= 180) were females and the
remammg 58 percent (N=244) of the patients were males. Til'fi d· . IS111 mg pomts to the fact that Nepal Medical College and
Teachmg HospItal has not been successful in bring about
"gender balance" as it provided health care to infants and
children despite the fact that 50 percent of the infant and child
populatIon of Nepal consists of females. This finding also points
to the fact that Nepal Medical College and Teaching Hospital
must take extra efforts in the coming days and months to
encourage parents and guardians to seek health care for bOth
male and female children. Nepal Medical College and TeaChing
Hospital may need to take extra steps so as to encOlirage parents!
guardians to bring both their male and female children to seck
health care services at Nepal Medical College and TeaChing
Hospital.
Despite the fact that Nepal Medical College and
Teaching Hospital is located in an area that is home to many of
the large carpet factories located in the Kathmandu Valley which
employ a lot of people that belong to various "tribal" and ethnic"
groups, the findings from the study point to the fact that almo\t
half of the patients came from higher caste groups·mainly
Brahmins and Chettris (214 out of 424 patients). Only lOS
patients stated that they belonged to a Hill Tribal Group and
another 36 patients stated that they belonged to a Terai Tribal
Group. The most overlooked group consisted of the Dalit Group
with only 10 patients. Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital must work harder to attract patients from all strata or
the Nepali society. So far, most of the patients belong to the
higher caste groups- mainly Brahmins and Chettris.
The overall school attendance rate of patients seeking
health care services for infant and childhood illness as reported
224 Occasional Papers K. R. Pandey/ The Demographic C! . .
1GraClens//cs ... 225
Years and
I E I .
p y,2002
Level of School Completed By Patients 6
REFERENCE
Sereen Thaddeus and Maine, Deborah (1994)
M I I I·· . Too rar to walk:a erna morta tty In contest Social S .
238 (8): 1091-1 110 ' clence and Medicine
Knodel, John (1997). A case for 110n- alltl . .
11 Opologlc I r·
methods for demographers. Populatiol a qua rtalive
Review 23 (4): 847-854. 1 and Development
Tables
T bl I C
y
Table 2: Number and Percentaoe of Patients St t· T I
Live With· '" a mg a Jat They
a e aste
-tlnlcity of Patients
Caste/Ethnicitv N %Brahmin 121 28,5Chettri 93
Tarai Caste 9
21,9
21Hill Tribal Group 107 24,8Terai Tribal Group 36
Dalit Grouo 10
8,5
Others 48
2,4
Total 424
11,3
100Source: Hospital surve ,2002
Table 3
Older
Category N %Self with Family 411 96,9Have Other Living Arranoemnt 13
Total 424
3, I
100
Source: Source: Hos ital surve
Level of Schoo Ii no N %No Schooling 8 4,5Primary( 1-5) 157 89,2Lower Secondary(6-7) II
Total 6,3176 100No. of Patients Attending School at 99 N/Athe Pre-Primarv Level
in this study appears to be very high. Only 8 patients out of 176
patients that were 6 years and older stated that they have never
attended school so far. This points to the fact that the school
attendance rate of patients that are seeking health care services
for infant and childhood illness at Nepal Medical College and
Teaching Hospital is quite high. It has already been pointed out
in the section above that epal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital is located in an area that is home to many large carpet
factories that employ I1 migrant l1 population from various "tribal"
and "ethnic" groups. From the findings of this study we are not
able to say for sure if infants and children from these carpet
factories are seeking health care services for infant and
childhood illness at Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital. Various studies that have been reported by various
non-governmental organizations highlight the fact that as much
as 50 percent of school age children have never attended school.
Finally, this hospital-based study with very limited
resources is proof that very high quality research can be
conducted that highlights many of the positive as well as
negative aspects of health care services Nepal Medical College
and Teaching Hospital has to offer. This study also points to the
fact that collaborative research can be conducted by various
departments within the parent institution and professionals with
different backgrounds and interests. The findings from this
hospital-based research has also assisted both the Department of
Pediatrics and Department of Community Medicine to develop
new strategies to plan, develop and manage other services in the
areas of child immunization, counselling and maternal child
health.
Note:
(The authors would like to acknowledge the financial
assistance provided by Nepal Medical College and Teaching
Hospital to conduct this research. The services provided by Mrs
Bimala Singh as Reserch Assistant and co-operation provided by
Mrs Lalita Risal at the Department of Paediatrics and Ms. Sarita
Joshi at the Department of Community Medicine were highly
approciated.)
226 Occasianal Papers
Ganesh Man Gurung'
"I will never forget that cold Kathmandu morning in
January 1994, whcn Madam Lajja offcrcd mc a cup of tca.
At that point, Prof. Nepali mixcd a spoon of khukuri rum in
my black tea. Not only was tastc q uitc diffel'ent, and chccry
on a chilly morning - the man himself was a unique
individual, cheerful and jolly with his many friends and
colleagues."
Today the Depal1ment of Sociology has lost a renowned
professor, an amiable colleague and a knowledgeable scholar, a
man well known in Nepal and abroad. Especially noteworthy is
this scholarly achievement tin his book. "The Newars".
For I0 years, Prof. Nepali taught in our department will
zeal and enthusiasm, after his retirement from Benaras Hindu
University. I always found him alert, enthusiastic, energetic and
interested in his teaching work. He was well respected by
colleagues and the administrative staff of the depal1ment, and
revered by his students. Despite his age, he rarely missed a class
and was always attentive of his duties. He was equally popular
among professors and scholars of Nepal and abroad, due to his
open-hearted cooperation to all. He was always smiling and jolly
\\ ith colleagues and juniors. However, among the professors in
Kirtipur, he especially loved to conduct lengthy discussions with
AN OBITUARY TO PROF. GS. NEPALI
Source: NMC Hospital Based Study
Table 6: Number and Percentage of Patients Who Stated That
d U I d· I It k
Source: Source: Hospital survey, 2002
Table 4 : Type of School Attended by Patients, Number and
P
Source: Source. Hospital survey, 2002
Note: Only 186 of the 424 patients were 6 years and older
Table 5; Occupation of the Person the patient is Living with,
Source: NMC Hospital Based Study
Note: Out of a total of 424 patients and/or parents interviewed,
176 responded to this question. This is due to the very low ages
of the remaining patients.
ercenta)!,e
Tyoe of School N %
Government School 24 14,29
Private Day School 7 4,17
Private Boarding School 136 80,95
Other, Soecify 1 0,60
Total 168 100,00
Number and Percenta)!,e
Patient's Guardian's occuoation No. %
Government Emolovee 70 16,51
Private sector/INGOINGO emoloyee 117 27,59
Self Employed 40 9,43
Farmer 28 6,60
Employed I 0,24
Other, Specify 168 39,62
Total 424 100,00
They were Emplove or nemOIOye III t 1e as one wee F
Situation N
Worked for Wages 0J
Have not worked for wages 173
Total 176
Prof. Ganesh Man Gurung worked for Central Department of
Sociology/Anthropology in Tribhuv3n University for more than
lwellly years. He is now an honorable member of Public Service
Commission, HMG, Nepal.
228 Occasional Papers
Dr. Ram Niwas Pandey of the culture department. These two
excellent scholars had become close friends.
His home at Balkhupul was never closed to visitors.
Prof. epali welcomed equally friends and colleagues of the
department, students and others. To visitors, offering of
tea/coffee and biscuits was normal in his house but if the tea
were a bit delayed, he would say his wife ..... :
Lajja aMi cllaya lIalli mila kya IIllIva ?
Madam Lajja used to say OK OK I know well ..
Getting ready.
Madam Lajja, herself a well-educated lady, was really
supportive. She always showed her hospitality to the guests and
visitors. Sometimes the old couple used to joke like newly-weds!
I first met Dr. Nepali at Benaras Hindu University when I was
looking for a university where I could register for my Ph.D.
research. I visited Delhi University, Poona University, Madras
University and Nagpur University, Ultimately, I decided to
choose the Department of Sociology in Benaras Hindu
University, Varanasi due to easy access from Kathmandu. One
of my friends indicated who Prof. Nepali was. When we met, he
was just taking a seat in a rickshaw. I saw an elderly gentleman,
well-dressed with tie and nice shirt, neatly combed hair all in all,
a pleasant and smart-looking fellow. He greeted me courteously
and agreed to discuss my registration as a research scholar in
Benaras Hindu University. Next morning I went to his residence
and Madam Lajja served me a cup of tea with few biscuits. I
was highly impressed with the rooms provided at BHU, quite
sophisticated in comparison to my own Professor's quarter in
TU, Kirtipur. After a short meeting, he assured me that he would
help me in my research work.
He was not unhappy with the academic performance of
my supervisor Prof. Srivastava. But he was more inclined to the
anti-Srivasta/Kayastha/Lala group of Varanasi mini-politics due
to his affiliation with Raj put group of Benarsi professors.
Perhaps he was interested in power politics too. Prof. Nepali,
C.M. Curung! An Obi/IIG1Y /0 Prof CS Nepali 229
being a versatile genius, was never looked down on by the "Iala
group". They would never dare to go against him.
Prof. Nepali was proud of having been a student of the
renowned sociologist Prof. Ghurey at Bombay University, from
where he received his Ph. D. degree in 1959. He devoted his
whole life in academic exercise both in teaching and research,
and was an active participant in the seminars of BHU.
And then one morning in the month of Chaitra, I
received call from Prof. Rohit epali, but with different to~e. It
was about the sad demise of Prof. GS Nepali in a hospital in
Bombay. What a shock! I remembered the days when I was him
together in BHU as a student and as a colleague in the
department. For all his colleagues and friends, the news came as
a blow. It was day of sadness for all.
Thus we lost a versatile and brilliant friend and
colleague. Prof. G.S. Nepali born on June 18'h 1926. He taught
for 2 years (1965-67) at Gorakhpur University and 19 years
(1967-86) at BHU. He died on 20'h January, 2002 at the age of
76 in Candy Hospital in Bombay.
May lie rest itt peace.
ORDERING SHERPA LIFE THROUGH THEIR
RITUALS: SYMBOLICIINTERPRETATlVE
PERSPECTIVE
(A REVIEW OF "SHERPAS THROUGH THEIR
RITUALS" BY SHERRY B. ORTNER)
Bishnu Prasad Dahal'
Background
Descriptive approach and interpretive approach are the
commonly used approaches in anthropological or cultural study.
The descriptive approach/perspective help readers by describing
the cultural phenomena associated with particular culture. The
goal of interpretative approach/perspective is to interpret or to
open the cultural events and phenomena into different meaning
according to time, context and conditions. Among these two,
first one tries to familiarize the readers with the particular culture
while another tries to interpret the same culture into different
situation with different meanings.
A symbol is something verbal or non-verbal, within a
particular culture (language, communication/conversation, sign
articulation) that comes to stand for something else. The verbal
symbols are the linguistic, sign or some representation of certain
meaning. There are non-verbal symbols, such as flags, dress,
etc., which stand for a nation's representation. Holy water is a
potent symbol in Roman Catholicism. As is true of all symbols,
the association between a symbol (e.g. water) and what is
symbolized (holiness) is arbitrary and conventional. Water is not
Mr. Bishnu Prasad Dahal is an Anthropologist and has been associated with
the Department orSociology/Anthropolog). Patiln Multiple Campus. Patan
T. U.. in a Capacity of Assitant Lecturer
B.P. Daha/lOrdering Sherpa Life... 231
intrinsically holier than milk, blood or other liquids. Holy water
is not chemically different from ordinary water (Kottak, 1994).
Symbolic/Interpretive Anthropology as an alternative approach
in anthropological theory or perspective was developed after
1960s. There is no single paradigm of this theory or
approach/perspective because symbolic/interpretive
anthropology "as a level" was never used by its founding
anthropologists, Clifford Geertz and Victor Turner. Advocating a
different approach Symbolic/lnterpretive anthropology or
perspective criticizes the generalized view of culture as
suggested by Functionalists in answering questions like, How
does institutions help to fulfill the needs of the society? How is
social life possible? What keeps society in equilibrium/order?
Functionalists find the solutions of these questions however
they cannot interpret the symbols of the culture.' Symboli~
Anthropology claimed that we can understand whole functional
phenomena using cultural materialism because all cultures have
different symbols.
Symbolic/Interpretive Anthropologists offer different
views of culture asking about meanings of symbols and how
these symbols shape people's way or patterns of life. So
anthropologists, rather than describing the culture, must dig out
the meaning of the symbols that constitute the cultural whole.
Culture is an abstract concept or adaptive strategy. Symbols used
in every day life (in culture rituals, festivals and important social
events etc.,) carry out the meanings for operation of the
particular culture. Thus, investigation and interpretation of
meanings used in the context of action (i.e. social action) is the
primary concern of Symbolic Anthropology.
Culture is not something locked inside people's head but
rather is embodied in public symbols - symbols through which
the members of a society communicate their own view. It is
value orientation ethos (characteristic features of any culture and
community) to their further generations (by means of
socialization). To anthropologists, they are social processes that
pass from generation to generation. For example wearing white
dress by a man symbolizes the death of his father or mother and
232 Occasional Papers
the dress if wore by a woman symbolizes the death of her
husband in Hindu culture.
For Geertz, reading culture is like doing archaeology;
culture is exposed and explained layer by layer until it gives the
significant meaning (i.e. interpretation understanding). By the
interpretative understanding of culture, Geertz also implies the
context (situation, time, condition) of the symbols used.
The interpretation of Balinese cockfight is a classical
example of Symbolic Anthropology or interpretive approach. For
Geertz. 'The Balinese Cockfight' is a symbolic event, which
offers a window to Balinese culture through which it is possible
to see "What keeps Balinese society in order? There are two
contradictory relationships within the Balinese society. He
interprets the event as a cultural "text" through which one
attempts to understand the inner nature of Balinese society. The
cockfight symbolizes the social relation (kin/village,
community), conflict, rivalries between different communities
and the social solidarity within a single Balinese community.
Betting as a cockfight expresses the villagers' and kin's "we-
feeling" which also relates to the existing labour, economic and
ritual cooperation between the members. It is not only the fight
between two animals (cocks) but also between the two
communities in the "game form".
Before going to documentation of the task of religious
rituals: first of all we have to define religion. Durkheim was
perhaps the first sociologist to recognize the critical importance
of religion in human societies. In his view "religion is a
collective act and includes many forms of behaviors in which
people interact with others". Durkheim initiated sociological
analysis of religion by defining religion as a "unified system of
beliefs and practices relative to sacred things". Compromising
the definition put forward by Durkheim, I want to raise the
question, "How can human societies be held together when they
are generally composed of individuals and social groups with
diverse interests and aspirations?" The probable answer may be
that "religious bonds often transcend these personal and diverse
forces". But readers may have f1ll1her questions "Why should
religion provide the societal glue?" Religion provides societal
8. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 233
glue because it offers people meaning and purpose for their lives.
It gives them certain ultimate values and end to hold in common.
Although subjective and not al\\ays fully accepted, these values
and ends help a society to function as an inteorated social
'"system. That's why people believe in religion either for "hope"
or by "fear".
In fact religious rituals are practices required or expected
of members of a faith. Rituals usually honour the divine power
(or powers) worshipped by believers; the) also remind adherents
of their religious duties and responsibilities.
Theo"etical Perspectives
Clifford Geertz - pioneering figure in the symbolic
anthropology - recognizes anthropology as the science of
culture. Geertz's interpretive anthropology claims to be a
scientific study, however it must be able to excavate or dig out
the meanings.
Symbols usually signify many things: to use Turner's
phrase (The Forest of Symbols, 1967) they are multi-vocal.
According to Geertz, human behaviour is fundamentally
symbolic and therefore laden with meaning for social actors. The
primary task of ethnographer is to understand the "webs of
significance" which people themselves have spun.
Symbolic/interpretive ethnography focuses on the
meaning of behaviour and rely primarily on verbal data in
support of their interpretations. So, it is not inaccurate to say
symbolic ethnographies have been similar to neo-structural in
style.
Geertz in "thick description" argues the aim of
anthropology is to interpret the meaning of behaviour to explain
actions and attitudes that appear puzzling. According to him,
culture consists of "structures of significance". "frame of
interpretation" or "socially established structures of meaning".
For Geertz, culture is "context" and it is the object of the
ethnography to describe it.
Ortner's symbolic interpretation account of the Sherpa
rituals thus provides a clear framework for conceptualizing the
cultural-symbolism through Sherpa rituals. This frame provides
234 Occasional Papers
the clear cut picture of interplay between the "idealistic" and
"realistic" explanations of social and cultural Sherpa I,~fe because
it reveals the abiding issue to be not one of the anti-social
behaviour" as opposed to their socio-cultural values (which IS
the "ideals" of Sherpas) but of "social behaviour" in society ..
Ortner's symbolic interpretation persuasively
demonstrates that explanation demands not simply d,scernlllg
symbolic meanings of culture lhrough particular events, but also
accounting for how something as Improbable for symbolic
communication. Her work in general has sought to altlculate a
"common ground" as early interpretive/symbolic theonsts hold.
Ortner's "Sherpa through their Rituals (1978)" allns to
understand the nalllre of Sherpa society through an analySIS of
the meanin"s of certain rituals in Sherpa culture. As such It
resembles Geertz's "cockfight" for the Balinese world. It also
resembles Pritchard's structural analysis in "The Nuer". Oltner's
goal in her ethnography is to "open" Sherpa culture to readers
"unfolding it, revealing it, not only a sense of ~lIrface. and
rhythm, but also a sense of inner connections and IIlteractlons.
She approaches her goals by focussing on ntuals, because she
claims that they are events that dramatize and make Sherpa
social life intelligible for both participants and observer.
The Argument of the Ethnography
Ortner develops her analysis of the meanings embodied
in Sherpa rituals by identifying the problems of Sherpa life. The
basic problem of the Sherpas is the challenge to the socIal
stability and social solidarity of communal life. The pnnclples of
Buddhism el1couraoe tendencies towards Isolation and
atomization that sh~ saw ..threatening the fabric of Sherpa
society".
.The problem of social cohesiveness among the Sherpa IS
magnified by the lack of devices for conflict resolution. "The
Sherpas have "no formal mechanism of SOCial control .. It
weakens the basis for community stability. So, WIth these fragde
relationships within the community, nuclear families, and
absence of formal institutions that deal with SOCial control,
B.P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 235
Ortner identifies the problem "What keeps things in order? Or
"How Sherpa society possible?"
Ortner addresses these questions in two parts. She first
claims that - the Sherpas depend on internalized constraints to
prevent anti-social behaviors or disorder to maintain social order.
However she observes, "inner constraints do not always
constraint". Therefore, she looks elsewhere for the basis of
Sherpa social order. In second part she finds it in their rituals:
she concludes then that rituals resolve conflict by offering
solutions to the problems. These solutions function
psychologically. In this sense, rituals among the Sherpas serve
the same function that cockfights do among the Balinese. The
rituals are models of and models for social reality. Ortner's
interpretation follows Geertz's paradigm "ritual manipulate and
shape consciousness and they create meanings... "
Textual Organisation
Ortner uses the first chapter to introduce the readers to
the theory and methods of Symbolic Anthropology. In the
second chapter, she states the analytical problems of her study-
the problematic nature of the society and outlines the rituals that
provide a means for resolving the conflicts and contradictions of
Sherpa life and thereby contributes to social solidarity and
stability. The next four chapters include the core of her symbolic
analysis - the meaning of Sherpa rituals: (i) Nyungne; (ii)
Hospitality; (iii) Exorcisms; and (iv) Offering rituals. The brief
discussion on these rituals being suitable is presented here.
Nyungne: Problems of Marriage, Family, and
Asceticism
Ortner views Nyungne as the problem of marriage, family and
asceticism. Four days holiday called Nyungne is observed once a
year in late spring and involves "becoming like monks" to gain
religious merit towards a good birth. The key vow of Buddhist
asceticism is absenteeism from sexual relations. Nyungne is a
period of atonement. It brings powerful merit to the participants.
It involves fasting and abstentions experience, ascetic ethic
voluntary participation purely on individual basis. Nyungne
11.
236 Occasional Papers
begins with "Sang" ceremony; at the first day volunteer-sponsors
give a big evening meal to the paltlclpants. From. second day,
they recite Lamic text, tak111g refuse In the rellglOn and they
perform prostration, which is central to the observation of
Nyungne. . .
From the "point of view of the Sherpas, the pOlIll of
observing Nyungne is to get merit (Dharma). They follow
abstention of food, drink and conversation, no sex, no work, no
wearing of metal ornaments or leather. The rite is directed to the
God Cherenzi (Avalokeshawor). Pawa Cheranzl IS peaceful,
compassionate God symbolizing that, initiating him grants
salvation. God himself does not erode away the Sill. Ideally,
yungne is a best way to merit making, but how do problems
arise in reality? Ortner claims that atomized family/closed
household syndrome proves it that familles are very closed and
self-contained. A married couple by itself is responsible to have
and rely on no one's support.
Cherenzi is the symbolic meaning of parental figure who
created the world. In Sherpa society, male mercy and
compassion are "feminine" attribute. So~ perfect parent's sex
brinos marriaoe and marriage seems excltmg but this pleasure
will~lOt last f~,ther. Marriage brings children and children bring
joy but children fail to reciprocate in one's declining years.
According to Ortner, Children's marriage pose threat at vanous
levels in Sherpa society-
f I " .. BOlld"i. For mother, rupture 0 t le Y111J
(compassion bond)
Hard economic realities labor decreased,
property divided and cattle shared
111. Marriage at six distinct stages
IV. Old couple - depend on the son
v. Friction of twO- in-laws
She acknowledges that the crisis of children's marriages
and problems of the aged in Sherpa culture is a crisis of personal
identity as well as of personal survival. All these issues were
sianaled by the symbolism of the Nyungne ritual.
" All these problems are resolved by offering rituals
(Nyungne). Symbolically it involves extreme condensation of
B.P. Daha//Ordering Sherpa Life... 237
complex and profound feeling and meanings. In fact, Nyungne
transforms from worldly material life to merits of spiritual world.
Nyungne offers satisfying refuge.
Hospitality: Problems of Exchange, Status, and
Authority
Why hospital ity is important in Sherpa society? Ortner
believes that there is a lack of cohesion in Sherpa society. The
key fact of Sherpa social structure is its relative atomization into
nuclear family units. A household will give a formal hospitality
at wedd111g, funeral, new year, etc. Hospitality is the most
generalized form of "being social in Sherpa society". At the core
of any hospitality event there is a material transaction: a host
gives food to his guests. Feeding is culturally considered to be an
act of great power and they are manipulative work. In "Yangzi"
transaction, an individual brings a token gift of beer or food and
asks for a favour. According to Ortner, the symbols of hospitality
are to (i) maintain order in the status of hierarchy, (ii) produce
order in the political functions of party interactions, and (iii) the
reciprocity.
Ortner begins her account with an analysis of a ritual
(Nyungne) that addresses strains within the Sherpa family.
Ideally the Sherpa family is autonomous and self-sufficient, a
closes unit, differentiated from and opposed to the rest of
society. Its members are economically independent of other
families, but dependent on one another and with strong ties to
one another emotionally especially child and mother.
In contrast to these ideals, in reality relations within the Sherpa
family are weakened (undermined) by several factors:-
(i.) Marriage: Children grow and got married and
separated learning emotionally and physically.
(ii.) New family creation causes economic problems
for the old ones resulting in division of land,
labour and cattle.
(iii.) Conflict between mother-in-law and daughter-in-
law
238 Occasional Papers
(iv.) The children take place for householder in place of
aged parents (parents do not feel to accept children
as adults and hence their decision.
This discrepancy (difference) between ideal. and actual
creates tension/conflict/dis-equilibrium/disorder that IS supposed
to be relieved in a ritual (Nyungne) atonement. 11 IS supposed to
help the elders see themselves not as deprived but as
approaching religious/cultural Ideal autonomy. Cog11ltlvely and
emotionally, loss is transformed mto gam.
.'The same forces of "atomism" disrupt relatiOnshIps
between families. Ortner argues that this threat is overcome by
Sherpa belief about hospitality, "a way of being social" that IS
normatively governed by rules of "etiquette". Sherpas are
reluctant (unwilling) to engage in the exchange ofmatenal goods
suspicious (wary) of the attachments that it may generate. TIllS
attitude weakens social relationshIps - a situatiOn that IS
overcome in the Sherpa customs of Yangdi and hospitality that
facilitates to regain order or equilibrium. Yangdl IS an
institutionalized transaction consisting of a gift of food (or beer),
which obligates its recipient to reciprocate with a favour of some
sort. Ortner concluded that Yangdi is the baSIC mechanism for
generating exchange in Sherpa society that hospitality,
"dramatizes" order...... produces order and reproduces a
mechanism, Yangdi - for generating order "
.
In sum, in chapter three and four, Ortner addresses antl-
relational tendencies within and between families, the threat to
family relationships and especially the feelings of less
experienced by the elderly as the issues and the answer as
embodied in the rituals of atonement. Between the families the
issue is how to resolve the threat to communal relations
associated with "atomism" and self-sufficiency, and the answer
is embodied in the rituals of hospitality and institutionalized gIft
giving "Yandzi" to foster reciprocity between households.
But even with these efforts to overcome the tendency
toward atol~ism there are still obstacles to the maintenance of
social order. As, Ortner argues, the "forces of anarchy and
disruption periodically return in the form of demons to wreck,
chaos and pollution in society. Therefore, she turns to an
B. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life ... 239
examination of the ritual mechanisms by which demons are
controlled. She does this in the next two chapters: fifth and sixth.
Chapter five describes the ritual of exorcism in which Sherpas
directly confront, by symbolic means, the disruptive forces
represented by demons. Chapter six describes rituals of offerings(oblation) in which Sherpas attempt through acts of giving
similar to those of "Hospitality" to persuade Gods to assist them
in combating the demons that plague them.
Exorcism: Problems of Wealth, Pollution, and
Reincarnation
Exorcism held annually is connected with funerals. In
exorcism there is always direct enactment of confrontation with
the forces of evil. The "do dzongup" is a heterodox exorcism in
which an effigy of tiger is made of mud and dough; a man leads
it and the other rides dragging the tiger away in a room. It is
placed on a plank and "road" is made of flour and driven away
by the Lama with the music and scenting and is destroyed
finally.
The Gyepshi rite is an orthodox exorcism. Rich people do it the
opposite of "do dzongup" because they lavish the demons by
valuable, beautiful and tasty offerings to pacify and gratify them
rather than to threaten them.
Demons are insatiably greedy, vicious, and predatory creatures
who roam the world causing troubles - illness, death, corruption
and destruction. They are everywhere in the world. In Buddhist
ideology, however, the demonic behaviour is the behaviour of
the self. They should be driven away. Ascetic person defeat
demons by learning to control "quiet" and ultimately eliminate
these interior impulses. It is concentration and self-control. If
demons are greedy for material wealth, luxury and satisfaction so
are the peoples. They are to be eliminated.
Offering Rituals: Problems of Religion, Anger, and
Social Cooperation
Offering rituals are done all-round-the year. The Gods
are humanised, embodied in material world. Hen offering is
observed. 'Torma" is made, incense, music and sprinkling of
240 Occasional Papers
beer invites the God. All phenomena or mechanisms of rituals
act for maintaining the social order in fragile social relationships
without any formal social institutions.
An exorcism ritual helps the individual to overcome the
anxiety produced by anticipation of physical deterioration and
death. And an offering ritual tends individuals have insight into
their emotions, thereby producing a constructive way of dealing
with their feelings of anger. Thus, the potential social disorder
that might be created by "death" or "anger" are overcome by the
rituals of exorcism and offerings and thereby the order is
maintained in the Sherpa society. Therefore the phrase "Sherpa
religion is the religion of fear" as used by writer seems more
relevant in real life.
Claims and Data
The claims are repeatedly stated and systematically
interwoven.
1. Textual arrangement is good.
2. The writer has included Sherpas' concepts, proverbs, myths,
legends and native terms.
3. The argument of the monograph is nearly present.
4. All arguments of the book are essentially correct,
sequentially presented and excellent theoretical
interpretations.
Evaluation
There are some methodological pitfalls in spite of the
good arrangement of photographs, drawings, verbal dialogue,
dialects, etc. representing various facts. No clear-cut
methodologies are addressed, so that graphical interpretation
could not be found. Ortner's cultural interpretation or analysis of
Sherpa culture from an internal or emic view is not possible by
using traditional scientific methods of systematic observation,
data collection and hypothesis testing used by pioneering
anthropologists like Radcliff-Brown, Malinowski, Geertz, etc.
The account of ritual scenes does not provide evidence for their
alleged functions. Ortner presents no data about changes in
attitudes or actions and about transformations. People are
8. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 241
supposed to be experienced. The claims are simply stated and
restated, again and again.
She could have shown some examples of where and how
dis?rder was resulted due to less acts of hospitality and again
solidanty was mall1tall1ed through rituals.
Viewing Sherpa society only through their rituals can
neither be understood at microscopic level nor can one analyze
Sherpa social-cultural life in broader sense or macro level. The
Sherpa society was studied with the help of the other
perspectives also. For example Stevens Stanley studied the
Sherpa society with the help of human ecological perspectives.
H,s analysIs focused on the Sherpa subsistence with the change
In the envllonmental conditions. Thus analysis of Sherpa society
only through their ritual is not enough to open the Sherpa society
in the comprehensive or broader sense. The book has totally
faded to analyse the Sherpa material life, Sherpa economy and
environmental conditions. Her approach failed to try to analyse
the material Sherpa culture while Julian Steward focused on the
interplay among the population, economic subsistence,
technology and environment. He argued that the relationship of
the material components of culture is primary and non-material
components of culture are secondary. So rituals only cannot play
the prominent role for maintaining social order.
Thus, Ortner's account of the Sherpa based on a claim
that they exhibit antisocial tendencies that are contained by their
rituals is not grounded empirically. The conclusion could not be
claimed as drawn from the "Sherpas through their rituals" as she
has dealt with certain rituals only. The conclusions would have
been different had that been drawn from "Sherpas through the
weddings or any other institutions". For she herself says that
weddings have contrasting interpretations.
Ortner views "marriage)) as a problem in Sherpa life
because marriage produces children and higher the number of
children, less is the accessibility or availability of economic and
environmental resource, social status etc, but Ortner ignores the
polyandry marriage practices of Sherpa. It is not clear that they
are either practicing polyandry marriage nor has developed other
means. Many studies proved that population growth can generate
242 Occasional Papers
dynamism and economic prosperity rather than problems or
poverty. Growing population will adopt their changing
conditions either by intensifying agriculture, adoption of
probable cash crops, increasing use of marginal lands,
developments of other sources of income or various kinds of
fertility control if possible.
Just as there are no data to support Ortner's
interpretation of the psychological function of Sherpa rituals,
there is little evidence to support her view of problematic
features of Sherpa society. She frequently used qualitative data
rather than quantitative one. I think Ortner's idea is the synthesis
of the idea of Functionalism and Symbolism as she uses the
function of the rituals of the Sherpa society.
Her core analysis of "How Sherpa society is in Order?
Or How Sherpa society is possible? Or Why Sherpas through
their rituals, why not through other institutions?" etc. provide the
clear picture in theoretical level. She claims that Sherpas society
is atoministic; divided into isolated, antisocial nuclear families
themselves composed of individuals whose view of human
nature is fundamentally penurious (poor) avaricious (greedy),
materialistic and emphatically egocentric. But, this view is not
based on empirical facts.
Sacherer J. (1977) in his book "The Sherpa of
Rolwaling: a Hundred years of Economic Change in Himalayas"
has emphasized the adaptation of Sherpa to the harsh
environment of Rolwaling valley. Ortner's arguments do not
review Sacherer's analysis anywhere, even though his concepts,
ideas, perspectives would definitely support her symbolic
interpretation. Hence her idea, concepts and interpretation cannot
be generalized and extended to all other Sherpa communities.
Similarly, Ortner ignored the new cultural adaptation of
Sherpa's alternative cultural strategies. She has just expressed
them by the process of change, but she did not try to explain the
changing patterns of symbols in Sherpa life.
The disparity between the views of the Sherpas
(insiders) and that of the analyzed project (outsiders) is another
problem. For example, while Ortner sees Sherpa parties as full of
B. P. Doha/IOrdering Sherpa Life... 243
competitions and tension; Sherpas describe them as having
"fun".
Furthermore, she asserts that generosity is highly valued
... but rarely practiced. This discrepancy between ideals and self,
between thought and action raises problem. Should Sherpas be
II1terpreted 111 terms of how they are supposed to behave or in
terms of how they actually behave?
REFERENCES
Bert, Patrick. (1998). Social Theory in the Twentieth Century, Polity
Press in association with Blackwell Publishers, U.K.
Cuff E.C., Sharrock W.W., Francis D.W. (1990). Perspectives in
Sociology,Third Edition, Unwin Hyman Ltd. London
Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures, Basic Books
Inc.
KOlak, Conrad Phillip (1994). Anthropology: The Exploration of
Human Diversity, Sixth Edition, McGraw Hill Inc.
Ortner, Sherry B.(1978). Sherpas through their Rituals, Cambridge
University Press
Ritzer, George (1996). Modern Sociological Theory, Fourth Edition,
McGraw Hill Inc.
Turner, Victor (1976). The Forest of Symbols, Cornell University
Press
PART TIME FACULTY
23. Dilli Ram Dahal, Professor; Ph.D.(Anthropology) University of
Hawii (Part Time from CNAS). '
24. Sunita Upreti (Banstola), Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology),
Tnbhuvan Umverslty, MS (Sociology), Michigan State
University, USA.
25. Janak Rai, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (AnthropOlogy), Tribhuwan
University (Part Time from Tri-Chandra Campus).
26. Dambar Chemjong; Assitant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology)
Tnbhuvan University, M. Phil. (AnthropOlogy), University of
Bergan.
27. Udhav Rai, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan
University, M.S. (Applied Social Research), University of
Manchester, London.
28. Suresh Dhakal, M.A. Assistant Lecturer; (Anthropology),
Tribhuvan University, M.Phill.(Anlhropology), University of
Bergan, Norway.
29. Pasang Sherpa, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan
University (part time from Trichandra Campus)
30. Mrigendra Karki,. Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology),
Tnbhuvan Umverslty (Part time from CNAS).
31. Man Bahadur Khatri, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (AnthropOlogy),
Tnbhuvan Umversity, M.Phil.(Anthropology), University of
Bergan, Norway.
32. Madhusudan Sharma Subedi, Assistant Lecturer; M.A.
(Sociology) Tribhuvan University, M.Phil. (Anthropology),
University of Bergan.
33. Shambhu Kattel, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology)
Tnbhuvan University, M.Phil.(Amhropology), University of
Bergan.
FACULTY OF THE DEPARTME T
I. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi, Professor and Chairperson, Department
of Sociology/Anthropology; Ph.D. (Anthropology), University
of Calcutta.
2. Kailash Nath Pyakuryal, Professor and Former Chairman and
Dean, Institute of Agriculture and Animal Sciences; Ph.D.(Rural
Sociology), Michigan State University.
3. Chaitanya Mishra, Professor and Former Chairman; Ph.D.
(Sociology), University of Florida.
4. Ram Bahadur Chhetri, Reader, Ph.D. (Anthropology),
University of Hawaii.
5. Kiran Dutta Upadhya, Reader, M.S.(Rural Sociology),
University of the Philippines (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D.
program in sociology at West Bengal University).
6. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, Lecturer and Former Chairman;
Ph.D. (Sociology), University of California, Berkeley.
7. Padam Lal Devkota, Lecturer; Ph.D. (Anthropology) Delhi
University.
8. Om Gurung, Lecturer and Former Chairman; Ph.D.
(Anthropology), Cornell University.
9. Phanindreswor Paudel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology); Banaras
Hindu University.
10. Prabhakar Lal Das, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology) Bhagalpur
University.
II. Laya Prasad Uprety, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuwan
University, M.S. (Social Development), Ateno De Manila
University, the Philippines (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D.
program in Anthropology at Tribhuvan University, Nepal).
12. Tulsi Ram Pandey, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan
University. M.S. (Social Development) Ateno De Manila
University, the Philippines (Currenlly enrolled in the Ph.D.
program in Sociology at Delhi University, India).
13. Bhanu Bhakta Timsina, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),
Tribhuvan University.
14. Youba Raj Luitel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan
University, M.S. (Gender studies) at Institute of Social Studies,
the Netherlands.
15. Surendra Mishra, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan
University.
16. Saubhagya Shah, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), Tribhuvan
University, Enrolled in the Ph.D. Program in Anthropology at
Harvard University.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
Binod Pokharel, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan
Umverslty.
Keshab Kumar Shrestha, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),
Tnbhuvan University,. (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D. Program
III Anthropology at Tnbhuvan University).
Sam ira . Luitel, Lecturer; Ph.D. (Sociology), Edminton
University, Canada.
Chinta Mani Pokhrel, Lecturer; M.A.(Anthropology), Tribhuvan
UniversIty.
Pratibha Gautam, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), Tribhuvan
UniverSity (On Deputation in Padma Kanya Campus).
34. Ram Bahadur K.C.; Assislant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),
Tribhuvan University (Part time from Patan Campus).
35. Shamu Thapa, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology)
Tribhuvan University, M.Phil. (Anthropology), University of
Bergan.
ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF
I. Sulochana Thapa - Assistant Administrator
2. Prem Shrestha - Accountant
3. Krishna Karki - Office Assistant
4 Ram Bhakta Karki- Peon.
5 Rakesh Maharjan - Peon.
OCCASIONAL PAPERS PLJBLICATIONS
VOL.1
I. Nepal School of Sociology!Anthropology
Dor Bahadur Bista
2. Sociology and Anthropology Curriculum and the Needs ofNepal
K'rishna Bahadur Bhattachan.
3. "Romanticism" and Development" in Nepalese AnthropologyJames F. Fisher
4. Migration, Adaptation, and Socio-Cultural Change: The Case of
the Thakalis in Pokhara
Ram Bahadur Chhetri.
5. Native Strategies for Resource Management
Om Prasad Gurung
6. Natural Causes and Processes of Poverty in Micro Settings Tulsi
Ram Pandey
7. Factors Associated with Occupational Sociolization in Rural
Nepal
Kiran Dutta Upadhyay
8. Development and Underdevelopment A Preliminary
Sociological Perspective
Chaitanya Mishra
VOL. 2
I. Sociology and Anthropology: An Emerging Field of Study in
Nepal
Om Gurung
2. The past and Future of Sociology in Nepal
Bishnu Bhandari
3. Some Sociological Reflections on Development in the Eastern
Himalayas
Gopal Singh Nepali
4. Economic Modernization in a Chepang Village in Nepal Ganesh
Man Gurung
5. Culture and Resource Management for Subsistence : An
Anthropological Perspective
Bhanu Timseena
6. A Socio-economic profile of the Porters in the Central Mid-Hills
of Nepal
Kiran Dutta Upadhyay
7. Employment, Working Conditions and Mode of Living : The
Case of Nepali Watchmen in Bombay
7.
8.
4.
Sherpa Buddhists on a Regional Pilgrimage: The Case of
Maratika Cave a Halase
Eberhard Berg
Book Review
Hemant Humar Jha
7.
8.
VOL. 5
I. Ethnicity and Nationalism in the epali Context
A Perspective from Europe
Uwe Kievelitz
2. The issue of National Integration in Nepal
An Ethnoregional Approach
Krishna B. Bhattachan
Kailash N. Pyakuryal
3. Bheja as a Strategic Cultural Convention
Community Resource Management in the Barha Magarat
Suresh Dhakal
4. The Rajbanshis of Rajgadh
Community Adaptation in the Enviroment of Eastern Terai
Hari P. Bhanarai
5. Kunna, Kola, and Kuri as Community Concepts
Patrilineage, Deities, and Inside-Outside Dichotomy among the
Rana Tharus
Ganesh M. Gurung
Tove C. Kittelson9.
8.
6.
5.
3.
2.
Television and the Child in Nepal: An Assessment of Viewing
Patterns
Dyuti Baral
Mercantilism and Domestic Industry in West-Central Nepal:
Significance for Anthropological Study of the Community
Stephen L. Mikesell and Jamuna Shrestha
Vol. 3
I. Forestry and Farming System in the Mid-Hills of Nepal
Kiran Dutta Upadhyay
Socio-Economic and Cultural Aspects of Aging in Nepal
Rishikeshab Raj Regmi
Religion, Society and State in Nepal
Dipak Raj Pant
Community Development as Strategy to Rural Development
Kai lash Pyakuryal
National Integration in Nepal
Ganesh Man Gurung and Bishnu Bhandari
The failure of Confidence Mechanism
Tulsi Ram Pandey
Building a New American Academic Anthropology
Tom Cox
Afro-American Sociologists and Nepali Ethnography
Stephen L. Mikesell
Case Studies on Domestic Servants: Reflection on Rural Poverty
Saubhagya Shah
9.
VOL. 4
I. Anthropology, Development and Public Policy
Gerald D. Berreman
2. Development Issues Raised during the "People's Movement" of
1990
Krishna B. Bhattachan
3. Anthropological Perspectives on Grassroots Development in
Nepal
Padam Lal Devkota
4. Deforestation and Rural Society in the Nepalese Terai
Rishikeshab Raj Regmi
5. The Current Socio-Economic Status of Untouchables in Nepal
Thomas Cox
6. Group Process for People's Participation in Rural Nepal:
Reflections from a Micro Level Study
Youba Raj Luitel
VOL. 6
I. Forest, People's Participation and Conflicts in Nepal
Dr. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi
2. Restoration of Democracy and People's Empowerment in Nepal
Prof. Kailash N. Pyakuryal
3. People-centered Development in Nepal: an Innovative Approach
Dr. Padam Lal Devkota
4. Functions of an Organization in a Indigenous Irrigation System:
A Case Study from a Hill Village in Nepal
Laya Prasad Uprety
5. An Analysis ofThe Rural Poverty From People's Perspectives:
A Case Study from Amarpur VDC of Panchthar District
Binod Pokharel
6. Environmental Pollution and Awareness in Pokhara City: A
Sociological Perspective
Dr. Biswo Kalyan Parajuli
7. An Anthropological Perspective on Shifting Cultivation: A Case
Study of Khoriyo Cultivation in the Arun Valley of Eastern
Nepal
Suresh Dhakal
8. Social Engineering Approach to Air Quality Challenge: The
Case of Kathmandu
Ramesh C. Arya
VOL. 7
I. Anthropological Insights in the Delivery of Health Services in
Nepal Prof. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi
2. Weberian Model of Social Stratification - A Viewpoint - Prof. Dr.
Kailash Pyakuryal
3. Anthropology, society and Development in Nepal: A Native
Perspective Dr. Padam Lal Devkota
4. Population Dynamics and Environmental Degradation in Nepal:
An Overview Laya Prasad Uprety
5. Gender Roles and Activities Among the Rural Poor Households:
Case Studies from Hill Villages Mr. Binod Pokharel
6. Exclusion, The Politics of Location and women's Property Rights
Debates in Nepal: A Discourse Analysis of Political Activism
Yauba Raj Luintel
7. The Social World of Nepalese Women Dr. Samira Luitel
8. Cultural Dimension of Pasture Resource Management in Nepal: A
Study ofGumba System oflhe Northwest Dolpa Mr. Dltirendra B.
Parajllii
9. Emerging Methods in Research Participation and Empowerment
Processes in Nepal Dr. Philip Tanner
(
NOTES TO CONTRIBUTORS
Occasional papers on Sociology and anthropology publishl.:s arliclcs.
original research reports. review articles. book revil:\\. dissertation Jbstracts.
professional announcement and other infonnation of interest in the an:as of the
sociology and anthropology of epal and other Hillwlayan regions. Both the
Nepalese and foreign scholars may submit their articles.
Materials submincd should be in English or in Nepali. Authors lllllst take
full responsibility for the originality. contents, and opinion expressed in these
articles. The copyrighted material which is (0 be reproduced in the articll:S must be
suitably acknowledged.
Contributors are requested to send. ifpossible. their matcrial on computcr
noppy disks using IBM compatible word processing programs. Thc) Ill<l). howevcr.
send copy of the manuscript separately. The text. notl;:s. and reli.:rl:nec~ should be
typed double -spaced. All pages should be numbered. The title ofthc paper. author's
name. affiliations. and complete address should appear on the first page.
The anthropological style of refercncing i~ pn:fcrrcd. Tc;\t~ should refer
to notes numbered consecutively. Allnotcs and fOotl1otes should appear at the end
of the paper. Book reviews should no!. ho\\cvcr. contain footnotes; 'III references
should be incorpormc in the text itself.
Citation in the text should include the amhor's Sllrn<lmc. ycar of
publication, and page number. e.g. : (Sorokin. 1978:49). If tbe puhlications to be
cited is authored by more than two persons. thell lise tht: Sllnl<lllle of the first author.
to be followed by et al. [I' the smne rclercnce is cited Illor.,: than once continuously.
use ibid. After citing tbe full reference once. but gi\ ing the n:lcvant page number if
it is di ITercnL
Entries for the bibliogr<lphical list should follow the lollowlng order
author's name (surname. followed by full first llaille or initials). year or publication.
the title of publication along with its edition Ilumber. place of publication. and
publisher's name. lrthe rerercnce is to ,111 article tonn an I:dilCd book. thell givc the
name or the alit hoI' as suggested above. year or publication. tllc title or the article.
tile title or tile book. l:ditor's lHlIllC. place or public'lIion. alld publisher's numc: e.g.
Greenwold Stcphl:n 1978. "The I{ole or llle Priest in Ncwar society". Ilill1alayan
Amhropology cd. James Fisher The I [aguc : Ivloutoll.
If the re!cn:ncc is ti'Olll a pcriodical. give the llaJm: or the author as
suggested above. year or publication. the title of till: periodical with its volumc
number. and pagc 111llllber e.g Gra) John. N. 1980. "IIYPcl'gamy. Caste <lnd
Kinship among the Chhctris or Nepal". Contributions to Indian Sociology. 14: 1-34.
If the )ear nnd tllc place of publication arc missing usc n.d. nnd n.p.
respectivel). The bibliographical list shoultl prclcrabl) includc only the works cited.
Use double quote marks (" tI) \\hile quoting sentcnces ,lIld singh: quotes (' ') lor a
single \\ork/phmse. Use spellings as lollo\\ctl in the Nc\\ Webster Dictionary or
Oxford DicliolHlr). Contributes an.: rcqucstcd to maintain consistency throughout
their articles.
All com:spondcnccs relnted to editorial and subscription should be
addressed
10·
The Chnlrpcrson
Central Dcpnrtlllcilt of Sociolog~IAnlhropolog~
Tnbhman Uni\cr)lI)
Kin ipur. Kathmandu