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Introduction
The ports of Southern Peru played an essential role in the country’s post-
colonial economy, serving as both provisioning stations and conduits 
of trade. Utilising archaeological, cartographic and documentary data, 
I contextualise these emporia within the emergence of the Republic of 
Peru.  The ports examined here were all commissioned by the Peruvian 
government along the Pacific shores with the intention of facilitating 
international trade and navigation along the coast. I include in this 
analysis most of the ports of Early Post-Colonial Peru from the modern 
limit between Arequipa and Ica, and the outlet of the River Loa, where the 
former border between Peru and Bolivia used to be (approximately, 15° 
43’ S to 20°43’ S; figs 1–3, table 1). 
Most of the southern ports, with the exception of Arica, were located 
in desert coves where water was unavailable, and local conditions made 
agriculture impossible, which presented challenges to the new national 
state, local governments, and Peruvian and foreign traders. Direct 
Provisioning of Water and Food at the Desert Ports of 
Southern Peru, AD 1821–1879
Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros
Centro Peruano de Arqueología Marítima y Subacuática
Department of Anthropology, Syracuse University
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Fig. 1. Map of Peru, 1821–1879 (Created by Author).
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engagement with economic powerhouses of the North Atlantic, such as 
Great Britain, France and the United States, favoured liberalising trends, 
such as the commissioning of more Pacific ports, and the reduction or the 
elimination of import duties (Bonilla 1974, 1975; Gootenberg 1989). As 
a result, maritime ports became important places in global geopolitics, and 
they were integral to almost any engagement with the world market. As loci 
of entry and exit for commodities, ports usually housed customs offices, 
which in turn became the most visible faces of the state before its citizens 
and foreign dignitaries. The Early Post-Colonial Period, particularly in 
southern Peru, was marked by a distinct maritime turn in its economic 
outlook, which included increased participation of Peruvian producers in 
Fig. 2. Area of study (Created by Author).
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Table 1. Ports included in this study (Created by Author).
Port Class Distance to water Distance to food
Islay Major port Import Far
Mollendo Major port Import Far
Arica Major port Local Local
Iquique Major port Import; specialized Far
Quilca Major and minor port Local Local
Huayna-Pisagua Minor port Import; specialized Far
Camaná Minor port Local Local
Lomas Minor port Near Near
Chala Minor port Near Near
Atico Minor port Near Near
Aranta Minor port Near Near
Ilo Minor port Near Near
Sama Habilitated cove Far Far
Junín Habilitated cove Far Far
Mejillones Habilitated cove Far Far
Molle Habilitated cove Far Far
Yapes Habilitated cove Far Far
Patillos Habilitated cove Far Far
Chucumata Habilitated cove Far Far
Cocotea Habilitated cove Local Far
Bahía de Pisagua Not habilitated Local Far
Loa Not habilitated Seasonal Far
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the global market, accessed through maritime ports, and the extraction 
of bird guano from the country’s Pacific islands for use as agricultural 
fertiliser in fields across the world (Cushman 2014).
Here, I examine water and food provisioning as an aspect of state action 
by the central government that ruled from Lima, through the lens of 
relational affordances (Gillings 2012). The proliferation of coastal spaces 
during the Early Republic required ensuring access to avenues of food and 
water supply to guarantee the survival of these ports’ inhabitants and the 
success of the ventures within them. Interest in the provisioning of food 
and water characterised the tumultuous context of the era, and shaped 
relations of power and domination at the regional, national and global 
levels. The affordances used here were chosen by their stated importance 
in nineteenth century records, and reflect social and environmental 
conditions of the period under study (tables 2, 3). They do not represent 
current environmental conditions, as these have changed since the mid-
nineteenth century. “Distance to water” refers to water sources known 
and available between AD 1821 and 1879. The examination below reveals 
that the uneven responses of the state to the desert conditions of most 
southern ports were met by the efforts of local governments, reliance on 
Colonial trade networks and the actions of capitalist agents.
Early Post–Colonial Peru
The first decades of the Republic were a period of instability. After the 
Declaration of Independence in 1821, royalists and patriots continued 
to fight until the definitive victory of the patriots in Ayacucho in 1824 
(Basadre 1968). By 1827, the political struggles for the control of Lima 
ensued until the temporary rise of Agustín Gamarra (Basadre 1968). In 
1834, the internal unrest and international instability led to open civil wars, 
until the formation of the Peru-Bolivia Confederation (1836 and 1838) 
(Basadre 1968). Gamarra was back in power in 1839 and held the position 
until his death in 1841. At this point, the national state disintegrated, until 
Ramón Castilla, consolidated the rule of Lima, pacified regional military 
leaders, engaged civil elites and institutions, and inaugurated a period of 
state building that lasted until the 1860s (Gootenberg 1989; Lynch 1992). 
This stability was aided by the immense riches brought by the export of 
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an agricultural fertiliser, island guano, the first boom-and-bust-cycle of the 
Republic. Between 1840 and 1879, Peruvian guano exports reached 12.7 
million metric tons, mostly extracted from the Chincha islands, northern 
islands and the Guaneras del Sur (figs. 1, 3; Cushman 2014: 45; Deustua 
2011; Gootenberg 1989). By the early 1870s, the signs of crisis were 
beginning to show, such as the rise of nitrate as a fertiliser, the depletion 
of guano sources and the effects of the prolonged mismanagement of 
national finances (Cushman 2014; Deustua 2011; Gootenberg 1989). 
The disastrous decade for Peru ended with the War of the Pacific, which 
pitted Peru and Bolivia against Chile (1879–1884).
The Early Republic was also distinctly fragmentary, with an increased 
economic balkanisation of the south with the city of Arequipa as its 
epicentre (figs. 1, 2) (Flores Galindo 1977; Gootenberg 1991). The 
city’s location far from the sea resulted in its isolation from the potentials 
Fig. 3. Guaneras del sur (1821–1879) and sites included in this study (Created by Author).
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of economic growth offered by an adequate maritime port. To reach 
the Pacific overland from Arequipa, one must cross narrow valleys, 
deep ravines and deserts. Once the ocean is reached, conditions do not 
improve—natural harbours are few, far between and tend to lack adequate 
mooring capacity (Fitzroy 1839a, 1839b; García and García 1863). Most 
ports operated out of coves exposed to sudden changes in wind and ocean 
currents that caused the loss of many vessels and piers. To compound the 
problem, some of these coves had strict limits for vessel sizes, and only a 
few afforded protections to smaller ships (Flórez Nohesell 1986). 
The Ports of Southern Peru
At the beginning of the Republic ports were commissioned in a three-
tiered hierarchy (table 1). Major ports were the centre of international 
trade and were the seat of port captainships and customs houses. These 
places connected Arequipa to most Peruvian seaports and ports across the 
Pacific, Atlantic and Indian Oceans, including Liverpool, Le Havre, Macau, 
Baltimore and Reunion (Boza Cuadros 2017). Minor ports channelled 
regional trades and the traffic of imports once they had cleared all duties 
in major ports, and foreign vessels could only call there with a special 
license. Habilitated coves1 were authorised for the traffic of valley goods 
into the coastal trade networks and for guano (Flórez Nohesell 1986). The 
facilities examined in this paper held one or more of these commissions 
throughout the studied period and are summarised in Table 1. 
These ports can be classified according to their relations with inland cities, 
too: Quilca, Islay and Mollendo, as well as most of the minor ports and 
habilitated coves along the modern Arequipa coast were within Arequipa’s 
area of influence. Ilo serviced Moquegua, and Arica serviced Tacna and 
most of the Bolivian markets, a mercantile connection that dates back to 
the Colonial Period (Condori 2010:23.; Díaz Araya et al. 2012). The ports 
of the far south became known as the Guaneras del Sur (fig. 3) due to 
their fertiliser deposits and southern location; Iquique was the major port 
and main settlement of the region (Flórez Nohesell 1986; Boza Cuadros 
forthcoming).
1 “Habilitated cove” is the legal term for third-tier ports as it appears in Peruvian nineteenth-century trade 
codes.
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Quilca, Islay and Mollendo
The port at the cove of Quilca (fig. 2) served as the major port for the 
city of Arequipa until 1826, when new facilities were inaugurated at Islay 
citing unfavourable conditions in Quilca (Condori 2010). The narrow 
cove of Quilca required that vessels moor a mile south and all loading 
and off-loading was done on boats and rafts across rough open waters 
before entering the inlet (Fitzroy 1839a, 1839b; García and García 1863). 
Unpredictable maritime conditions made the anchorage unsafe. Quilca 
had the advantage of a location near the valley of the same name, which 
had access to fresh water and foodstuffs, and close connections to the city 
of Camaná (Flórez Nohesell 1986). 
In Islay, sea conditions are better than at Quilca. However, the location 
of the cove created new challenges. Governor Gutiérrez de La Fuente 
inaugurated a canal system to provide the settlement with water from the 
nearby hills in 1828 (El Republicano Vol. 4 N. 41 10 October 1829, p. 
5). The port channelled most of Arequipa’s trade, as well as imports and 
exports to and from Cuzco and Puno (Bonilla 1974b). Starting in the 
1820s, foreign trading houses and dignitaries established in Arequipa 
opened branches in Islay. While water supply was mostly met by canals, 
agriculture was impossible locally, so foodstuffs mainly were transported 
from the Tambo and Quilca Valleys (Witt 2016).
Islay operated as Arequipa’s single major port until 1871. It was partially 
abandoned in favour of Mollendo, which had been chosen as the Pacific 
terminus of the Arequipa railroad since the construction of the railroad to 
Islay was deemed too costly (Camacho 1871). Mollendo’s natural capacity 
for receiving small boats only required building a new harbour. Most of 
these investments were privately funded through a bidding process 
organised by the state (Camacho 1871). A new system of running water 
was inaugurated in 1873 by a private enterprise by the Hart Brothers based 
in Lima. This system required transporting water from Uchumayo near the 
city of Arequipa and was lauded as “the greatest work of its kind in the 
world” (The Peruvian Evening Chronicle Volume 1, N. 12, 28 April 1873, 
P. 2.).  As in Islay, Mollendo depended on the coastal trade networks for 
food supply, mainly from the Tambo valley (Office 1875).
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Arica and Iquique
Farther south, Arica and Iquique operated within networks aligned more 
closely with Bolivia and the Guaneras del Sur, respectively. Arica enjoyed 
several advantages over the rest of the ports in this study: freshwater wells, 
an extensive totoral (a swampy reed bed where reeds grow naturally) and 
abundant arable land nearby, as well as good anchorage (Castro 2005). 
The abundance at Arica made it a desirable spot for navigators, who could 
find affordable supplies there (García and García 1863). 
Iquique, in contrast, offered none of these advantages: there was no 
surface water for hundreds of kilometres, and almost everything that 
could be purchased had to be imported. The extreme natural conditions 
had thwarted the establishment of Iquique as a port for the export of silver 
from the mines of Huantajaya in the Late Colonial Period and the Early 
Republic. Avenues of water supply included its transport in rafts made of 
sea lion hides used by Camanchaca fishing communities from indigenous 
Fig. 4. Camanchaca fisherman on a sea lion hide raft (Frézier, 1716, p. 109 Plate XVI). 
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settlements in Loa and Bahía de Pisagua (fig. 4; Billinghurst 1893, 1908). 
Cistern ships from Arica also provisioned water in a two–way system where 
the tank vessels brought water to Iquique and then returned to Arica with 
guano (Billinghurst 1893, 1908). After 1840, machines that desalinized 
ocean water were imported by foreign entrepreneurs (Billinghurst 1893, 
1908). However, water remained scarce and expensive after the arrival of 
the devices. Food supply depended almost exclusively on coastal trade 
and was quite costly, as were all other goods for sale at Iquique (García 
and García 1863). 
Minor Ports and Habilitated Coves
Minor ports were commissioned for the introduction of imported goods 
after these had cleared customs in major ports, and served the neighbouring 
highland provinces. Most of these were commissioned with the stated 
purpose of stimulating agricultural trade in nearby valleys, and the minor 
ports of the Guaneras del Sur were supposed to facilitate the export of 
fertilisers. Minor ports were located in less-than-ideal places for the 
most part: Quilca presented the anchorage issues raised above; piers and 
shallops at Chala were destroyed repeatedly by the tides (Boza Cuadros 
2018), and infrastructural conditions were lacking in all minor ports 
(Boza Cuadros 2018, forthcoming). The minor ports of the Guaneras del 
Sur also presented poor conditions like Iquique’s; desalinizing machines 
were imported into Huayna-Pisagua (Billinghurst 1889). Despite the 
challenges of their locations, some of these minor ports were vital to their 
hinterlands due to their intricate connections to the economies of the 
valleys and neighbouring inland provinces. Some of them were eventually 
elevated to major ports and most are still used in some maritime capacity 
today.
Habilitated coves were tertiary ports used in the inter-valley coastal 
trade, and for the distribution of island guano. Complexes of extraction, 
collection and distribution of guano in Cocotea and Sama connecting 
them to coastal valleys and the highlands were continuations of colonial 
networks with Pre–Hispanic roots (Boza Cuadros 2017). Farther south, 
Chucumata, Molle and Patillos served as points of extraction, storage and 
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Table 2. Definitions of distance to water (Created by Author).
Fig 5. Water provisioning of ports in southern Peru, 1821–1879 (Created by Author).
Local Water sources found at the port or within 2 kilometres
Near Water sources found between 2 and 10 kilometres OR within a day’s 
travel/voyage
Far Water sources only available over 10 kilometres OR over a day’s travel/
voyage
Import Water hauled from distant sources, whether by canals or sea vessels
Seasonal Surface water available locally only part of the year
Specialized Use of technologies for the capture, desalinization or other process to 
make water potable in situ
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shipping of nitrate and guano to Iquique, from where it would be exported 
overseas (García and García 1863). Water could be procured from the 
underground only in Cocotea (Boza Cuadros forthcoming; Fitzroy 1839a, 
1839b; Flórez Nohesell 1986; García and García 1863; Hidrográfica 
1879). These coves were supplied by muleteers, who also brought guano 
and other goods inland (Bowman 1924; Gootenberg 1991). Two coves in 
the Guaneras del Sur were not commissioned for trade, yet were important 
during this period: Loa and Bahía de Pisagua. Both supplied Iquique and 
other points in the region with water via maritime routes (Billinghurst 
1893, 1908). 
Supply of Water
The trajectories of ports and coves along the southern coast at the 
beginning of the Republic reveal both the importance of maritime spaces 
during this period, and the disparate responses to the desert conditions 
at these ports. For example, not all commissioned loci necessitated 
infrastructural improvements. The best in-situ access to fresh surface 
water was at Arica, where wells were available and could also be found in 
the nearby Azapa valley (fig. 5, table 2). Water could be found within two 
kilometres of Camaná and Quilca since they were close to the Camaná and 
Quilca Rivers, respectively. There, water was hauled by land, since it was 
impossible to disembark near the river mouths (García and García 1863). 
Minor ports were typically located between two and ten kilometres from 
water sources, and provision in these cases depended either on muleteers 
or the sale of water in places where surface water was available, making 
the product relatively expensive (Flórez Nohesell 1986; García and García 
1863; Raimondi 1929). In the case of Chala, for instance, brackish water 
could be found about 5km from the port in Capa, and better, fresh water 
could be found farther inland in the Chala valley. The prices for each 
were two and four reales per load, respectively, once transported to the 
cove (Raimondi 1929: 16–17), an elevated price considering that the 
administrator of the post office earned just under 16 reales per day in 
1862–1863 (Peru 1864: 62) and an urban day labourer earned seven or 
eight reales per day (Gootenberg 1990: 40). A supply system was planned 
for Chala at the cost of 28,707 soles (1 sol = 10 reales; Gootenberg 1990), 
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a significantly higher number than the real cost of new water pipes for Islay 
that year (7000 soles; Peru 1864: 102). 
Special infrastructural projects took place in Islay and Mollendo, which 
were located far from water sources. In the case of Islay, the establishment 
of the port included building a system of canals that provided water 
from ravines near the port. The Arequipa government financed this first 
enterprise. In later years renovations and improvements were auctioned 
by the national government in Lima; bidders typically included both 
foreigners and Peruvian nationals. In Iquique, water was provided by 
camanchaca fishermen from as far as Bahía de Pisagua and Loa; by 
schooners especially outfitted with water tanks from Arica; and by 
locally established entrepreneurs who imported desalinizing machines 
(Billinghurst 1893, 1908). Provisioning by sea resulted in expensive water, 
although it was regular; the desalinizing machines provided a local, but 
not cheaper, alternative (Billinghurst 1908, Castro 2005). Water supply 
for Huayna–Pisagua was similar to Iquique’s, albeit at a smaller scale 
(Castro 2005).
Most habilitated coves were located far from water sources, and they 
depended on the action of muleteers and indigenous fishing communities 
for the provisioning of water. These places were scarcely inhabited: only 
a few families lived in Sama (García and García 1863), and Cocotea was 
only sporadically occupied until the 1840s. The situation was even more 
dramatic in the coves of the Guaneras del Sur, some of which were not 
permanently occupied until the early 1860s (García and García 1863). 
In addition to maritime supply connected to the fertiliser trade at these 
coves, the possibility that water was collected during the fog season cannot 
be ruled out (Castro 2005).
Supply of Food
Most or all sustenance could come from the sea for these ports. At this 
time, however, a well-supplied port was one with access to plenty of fresh 
fruits and vegetables, cheeses, fresh and dried meats, and other agricultural 
products (García and García 1863). This provision concerns the life of 
people on land as well as crews on board ships. Major ports served as 
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Table 3. Definitions for distance to food (Created by Author).
Fig 6. Food provisioning of ports in southern Peru, 1821–1879 (Created by Author).
Local Fresh produce and other agricultural products found at the port or 
within 2 kilometres
Near Fresh produce and other agricultural products available between 2 
and 10 kilometres OR within a day’s travel/voyage
Far Fresh produce and other agricultural products only available over 
10 kilo-metres OR over a day’s travel/voyage
Import Fresh produce and agricultural products from distant sources, 
including foreign productive regions
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supply stops for ocean-going vessels as well, and the availability and cost of 
fresh food and water at these ports impacted their desirability for visiting 
ships. Closely connected to the availability of food for human life is that 
of food for pack animals. These ports were nodes in broader, land-based 
networks, and they were as much land ports as they were seaports. The 
scarcity of food that impacted human life also hindered the growth and 
maintenance of pack animals.
None of the ports considered here could sustain agriculture locally, except 
Arica. All ports north of Arica were supplied with agricultural products 
from the nearby provinces and river valleys, mostly by muleteers, valley 
farmers/traders and through the coastal trade (fig. 6). The valley of Tambo 
supplied the ports at Islay and Mollendo and the cove of Cocotea, all of 
which are within a day’s travel from the valley. Muleteers provided Sama 
with food when they descended onto the cove to collect guano destined 
for inland valleys. Lomas, Chala and Atico were likewise supplied by 
farther away valleys (5–10km away). In the far south, populations were 
more reliant on the sea and imports than farther north. Conservative 
economic measures at the beginning of the Republic constrained the 
access of foodstuffs into the port and limited the growth of Iquique until 
the mid-century (Gootenberg 1989). Regular supply of food was only 
assured in Iquique once foreign capitalists were firmly established at the 
port. Even then, foodstuffs remained scarce and expensive (Hidrográfica 
1879). 
Final Reflections
State formation was slow and ineffective along the coast. The Peruvian 
state struggled to maintain conditions adequate for fostering maritime 
trade in the region and, as a response, southern interest groups established 
across the cities and ports in the region financed necessary improvements. 
The conditions along coastal Arequipa were less than ideal for nineteenth 
century maritime-based commodity trade. The limited number of natural 
harbours along Arequipa’s coast funnelled human activity into a few 
coastal loci in arid areas. A lack of surface water at these places and their 
relative distance from non-maritime food sources further complicated life 
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and trade. The strategies employed to overcome these hindrances fall into 
two broad categories. 
The first had at its roots the indigenous knowledge of southern communities, 
particularly fisher folks and muleteers. Navigation technologies such as 
sea lion hide rafts used by camanchaca fishing communities (fig. 4), and 
their extensive geographical knowledge of the coast. Their knowledge was 
vital for the survival of port communities and ship crews, especially in the 
first years of the Republic. In places such as Iquique, human life could only 
be sustained because of their labour. Valley economies were fuelled by the 
distribution of products to cities, towns and, of course, ports. Muleteers 
conducted much of this action on land. The second category of survival 
strategies was through the action of capitalists, both Peruvian and foreign. 
Foreign capitalists established at ports were connected to the importation 
and financing of novel technologies, such as desalinizing machines and 
railroads. 
This study demonstrates that the availability of water and food at the ports 
of southern Peru at the beginning of the Republic was as much a local 
preoccupation as it was an interest of regional governments. It also marks 
a nadir in stately presence and operation that, along with the extreme 
precariousness of its offices, underscores the weak institutional structure 
of the emerging Republic. The reliance on indigenous knowledge, regional 
governments, and southern and foreign capital show that the Republic of 
Peru retained a reliance on Colonial and Pre-Hispanic networks, as well as 
the active engagement of the Early Post-Colonial Peruvian south with the 
global economy.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Christopher Milan, Sarah Platt, Maria Smith, Shaundel 
Sanchez, Christopher DeCorse, and three anonymous reviewers for their 
helpful comments on different versions of this article. Special thanks to 
the editors of this volume, Camila Alday and Sara Morrisset.
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