Applying Behavioural Insights to Policy: From Evidence to Practice Executive Summary Authors Hannes Jarke, University of Cambridge Grihith Varaday, University of Cambridge Kai Ruggeri, Columbia University & University of Cambridge Evidence from the behavioural sciences is increasingly used to inform and improve policy around the world across many domains. These behavioural insights can be used for a number of purposes, such as improving communication to the public, encouraging healthier behaviour, and increasing the uptake of social services that improve life outcomes. However, not all evidence can be equally applied to any policy; the strength of the evidence and suitability for the situation at hand should be assessed case by case and ideally more evidence within the new context should be established. This report presents an approach to incorporating behavioural insights into policy using a number of examples while leveraging original work on mental health, trust, and decision- making in Lebanon. The aim is not to present a specific recipe or set of recommendations, but to share general concepts and examples for consideration in establishing a behavioural policy framework. This report complements our workshop on evidence-based policy and provides basic information to participants in advance. This publication is funded through the UK Research and Innovation GCRF Research for Health in Conflict (R4HCMENA); developing capability, partnerships and research in the Middle and North Africa ES/P010962/1. Introduction What are behavioural insights? The success of a policy largely depends on the assumptions it is built on. This includes tailoring a policy to the environment where it is applied as well as anticipating how the target population will react to it. While policies for decades relied on economic models assuming that people think rationally and want to maximize their outcomes, research from behavioural and decision sciences has shown that decisions are dependent on a number of internal motivators and external factors. Accounting for such factors based on reliable evidence can therefore improve policy outcomes and acceptance. What are the advantages of behavioural insights? Behavioural policy is typically implemented through small changes in the environment (see next page) with positive effects and without coercion (‘nudging’). For example, having found that surgeons are often under stress and can forget minor but crucial checks, the WHO developed a checklist that was associated with an error reduction from 23% to 6%1. Instead of assuming that people will behave in a fully rational and error-free way, by incorporating behavioural insights, we can account for actual behaviour. Why build on behavioural insights in Lebanon? For this report, we will predominantly focus on the interplay of behaviour and health: The behaviours and habits of non-clinical populations may increase or decrease the risk of subsequent health problems. This includes habits relating to diet, exercise, smoking, driving, and more. At the point of service delivery, doctors make decisions relating to diagnoses and treatment, patients make decisions with regards to when to seek aid, whether to keep appointments, whether to follow the doctor’s prescriptions, etc. Therefore, behavioural science can be used to inform proactive interventions, designed to increase the overall health of the population and reduce pressure on healthcare providers as well as set up interventions that makes the service delivery itself more efficient and effective. This report aims to provide guidance on translating behavioural and mental health research into policy, building on a practice previously successful in Lebanon2. Common behavioural interventions Choice architecture We face numerous decisions every day. Some of these decisions may be conscious and deliberate (such as buying a car), while others are less thought out, such as selecting a beverage for lunch, or deciding on which side of the road to walk. Choice architecture is a way of designing the environment in which decisions are made in a way that the more beneficial option is more likely to be chosen. As a result, we ideally make more directly beneficial decisions – for ourselves or for society – without giving away our freedom of choice. Two common ways to do this are nudges and boosts. Nudges Boosts Nudges are low-cost, easy-to- implement interventions that alter the environment of a decision in a way that highlights a more beneficial option3. If the goal was to have people eat healthier, one example of a nudge would be placing healthy food options more visibly or salient. This preserves a person’s free choice of meal, but still increases the number of people who choose healthy nutrition. Boosts aim to foster a decision- makers competence or build new competence regarding the choice at hand, often by encouraging a more informed, deliberate process4. Boosts can involve simple tools such as calculators for determining budget allocations or interactive apps from grocery stores that help consumers estimate health value of their choices as they shop. . . . . . Consider what influences decisions In classic economic models, humans are assumed to always act rationally and gain- oriented - that is, choosing to their highest benefit. This is often the case in decisions with certainty, where the outcome is clear: we would prefer $120 over $100 if given the choice. When it comes to decisions under risk, humans do not always choose the option with the highest potential value – this is because gains and losses are not perceived equally5. In other words: the prospect of losing $100 often appears more dangerous than the prospect of winning $100 seems appealing. This is not only limited to decisions regarding money. Value Outcome Losses Gains Reference point Based on an individual’s reference point, they may make different decisions, which is why framing a message or situation6 is important to consider: telling a patient that 90% of people survive an operation is much more comforting than being told that there is a 10% chance to die. Not only the reference point is important when communicating with the public: People engage with information more if it is salient and simple. One large-scale study showed that letters simplifying their content, or using short bullet points receive more responses, than a standard text7. +1.4% +3.9% Simplified Bulletpoints Communicating effectively Simply not being aware of available public services is a crucial structural barrier to the uptake of healthcare services. Evidence suggests large differences in education between the Lebanese population and refugees8, and also the generally low healthcare service uptake of Syrian refugees9: These findings alone may not give clear indications for policy but indicate that further testing of simplifying messages may reveal how uptake could be increased through small changes in communication. Only 6% of Lebanese adolescents affected by mental disorders report to have sought help10. Social stigma is a common barrier for people all over the world to access mental health services11. Behavioural insights can be used to support people in their choice to seek help. One example of engaging people affected by a stigma- heavy disorder is the successful use of financial incentives for HIV testing in Malawi. Participants collected test results more often when given a small financial incentive12. Reducing mental health stigma Mental health literacy has been identified as one of the crucial aspects in reducing barriers to mental healthcare11. While reducing stigma on a wider level is a complex and complicated task, it can be achieved through education, as well as through contact with stigmatized groups13,14. 37% 80% No incentive Vouchers Stigma interventions can be more effective in different age groups… Education Contact Replacing stereotypes with facts Interacting with members of stigmatized groups St ig m a re d u ct io n 20% 10% 10% Face-to-face contact has larger impact than by video. 24% 10% Adolescents Adults 20% Addressing stigma with behavioural insights C o lle cted H IV test resu lts Adapted from Bojanić et al. (2016) Providing patients an active role in their treatment 71% of patients prefer to have an active role in treatment decisions16 A? B? C? 17% 10% Higher completion rates18 Higher life satisfation18 58% Chance to show higher improvement19 Potential benefits of involving patients in decision-making Increases trust Increases uptake? Lebanese and refugees report very low trust towards others but put much higher trust in family members8, which may also explain some successes of former Syrian healthcare workers in refugee camps15. More and more patients prefer to make active decisions in their own healthcare16. Evidence also indicates that patient involvement is often related to an increase in trust into the healthcare system17. Trust plays a large role in the decision to start treatment and choosing a physician or provider. Which Treatment? Despite knowing about many health outcomes, people often neglect simple beneficial behaviours such as taking their medication as scheduled or showing up to healthcare appointments. Brief text-message reminder messages can improve various kinds of health behaviours, such as medicine adherence20 or support smokers in quitting21. x2 +33% Reminding people to carry out daily healthy behaviours E-Mental Health interventions The use of digital applications in mental healthcare remove the barrier of requiring patients to be physically present at a care facility or provider. This has been particularly helpful since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic22. However, clear ethical guidelines are still missing. High satisfaction as well as positive attitudes towards apps among refugees and immigrants22 Symptoms improve in… Anxiety Depression Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder However… Poor implementation and reporting of ethical standards so far Preliminary results exist regarding one WHO guided E-Mental health intervention in Lebanon23. The intervention is a brief self-help programme with minimal guidance. While the intervention shows potential effects on depression and anxiety, the study also found that it needs to be better tailored to younger people and singles, made more motivating, and easier to use. Example: Behavioural insights and mental health in Lebanon When using evidence to inform policy, it is always crucial to remember that populations often differ from another. It is reasonable to assume that refugees—who have left their homes and are more likely to have recently gone through other traumatic events—feel and behave differently from the average population of the host country. If the goal is to develop inclusive policies, a first step could be to capture and compare levels of well-being. Researchers tried to find out how strongly refugee well-being may differ from local populations. Surprisingly, there were no significant differences in any dimension in a sample of over 600 people in Lebanon8. Well-being in Lebanese nationals and refugees Can policy be derived from these findings alone? Will refugees with low or high well- being behave like Lebanese with low or high mental health? Exploring traits of the population Well- Being Positive Relationships Optimism Emotional Stability Resilience Engagement Vitality Positive Emotions Self-Esteem Meaning Competence Lebanese Refugees The role of mental health in risk-taking: Example from Lebanon No differences in risk-taking on average While both are in a very different situation, researchers found that refugees in Lebanon make about the same amount of risky financial decisions as the general population. Both groups take more risk when choices involve losses8. Does mental health play a role in decision-making? How could we encourage more risky decisions, when they are beneficial, especially in those with poor mental health? If well-being is… Poor to moderate Lebanese and Refugees make similar decisions Data shows… High Refugees make more risky choices Findings reported on this and the previous page are based on research by the authors, currently under review. What are the reasons for poor/good mental health? Which other factors need to be taken into account? Where are risky choices beneficial or suboptimal? When do we need other measures of risk? Developing policies using scientific evidence What is the issue? • Define target population & outcome for improvement • Can be proactive to create opportunity, prevent unwanted situation, or treatment for persisting issue How useful is the available evidence? • Quality, accuracy, and objectivity of evidence • Credibility: Is there a clear argument for the use of methods and conclusions drawn? • Practicality: Is the evidence accessible and interventions feasible to implement? Is the evidence valid in context? • Relevance: Can it be generalised? • Is evidence appropriate for this population & context? Conduct research in context Adapt best practices to context • Clarify and operationalise research goals • Adapt methods to context • Identify factors that distinguish the situation at hand from those previous research has been conducted in • Scaling: Moving from controlled projects to wider implementation • Phasing: Breaking down implementation in stages • Sensing: Evaluating the practice This process is based on information compiled in Ruggeri et al. (2019) A process model generating and incorporating evidence into policy24 G e n e ra ti n g ev id en ce In te rv en ti o n References 1. Arriaga, A. F., Bader, A. M., Wong, J. M., Lipsitz, S. R., Berry, W. R., Ziewacz, J. E., ... & Gawande, A. A. (2013). Simulation-based trial of surgical-crisis checklists. New England Journal of Medicine, 368(3), 246–253. doi: 10.1056/NEJMsa12047 2. Yehia, F., & Jardali, F. El. 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